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creatively imagine a range of alternative urban
futures’ (p. 173). At the end of the twentieth
century, expectations rose that cities would
lose their significance in a generalized
network society of flows, which would
makeagglomerationinplacean anachron-
ism. Little evidence has been forthcoming to
support such an expectation, however, even in
those parts of the world where absolute urban-
ization rates declined (Castells, 1996b;
Sassen, 2000; Storper and Manville, 2006).
It is safe to say that although urbanization
and the resurgence of urbanization in the
West are of prime significance, the main form
in which urbanization now takes place is
throughsquattingby migrant populations in
the demographic hot spots of the developing
world. Urbanization now leads to a ‘planet of
slums’ (Davis, 2004a). rk
Suggested reading
Amin and Thrift (2002); Brenner and Keil
(2006).
urbicide Literally ‘killing cities’, urbicide
refers to the intentional attempt to erase or
destroy acityor cities for political purposes.
The term has two main origins.
One lies in the critique of modern urban
planning. Building on the work of architecture
critic Ada Louise Huxtable and her ‘Primer on
Urbicide’ (Huxtable, 1970), Berman (1996)
used the term to object to modernist redevel-
opment strategies in American cities and their
violent substitution of soulless abstraction
for vibrant traditional streetscapes. Echoing
Berman, Merrifield (2004) invoked the same
concept in his analysis of thesituationists’
resistance to comprehensive redevelopment
in Paris in the 1970s.
The term was mobilized in a second sense
by Balkan scholars and architects to condemn
the way in which Serbian armed forces in the
warof the 1990s targeted the architectures
and spaces of Dubrovnik, Sarajevo and other
cities that were most visibly identified with a
history of religious, ethnic and national plur-
alism and heterogeneity in what rapidly
became the former Yugoslavia (Coward,
2004: see alsoethnic cleansing). Since then,
the analysis of urbicide through military vio-
lence has been extended both historically and
geographically. Scholars have explored what
W.G. Sebald called the ‘natural history of
destruction’, the campaign of British and
American strategic bombing of German cities
in the Second World War, in exactly these
terms (see Mendieta, 2007), for example,
while Graham (2003), Gregory (2004a),
Weizman (2007) and others have analysed
how Israeli armed forces have deliberately
destroyed the collective infrastructure of
Palestinian cities as part of their attacks on
the Occupied Territories since 2002.
The two streams of work, the economic
and the martial, forcefully collide in discus-
sions ofurbanismin the globalsouth, where
Goonewardena and Kipfer (2006) have iden-
tified a ‘post-colonial urbicide’ under the sign
of a newimperialism(cf. Schwartz, 2007).
These later studies strongly suggest that urbi-
cide is about more than the hollowing out of
urban economies, the destruction ofmemory
or the erasure of the physical traces of past
communities, important and injurious though
these are. Coward (2006; see also 2007) fol-
lows Martin Heidegger to argue that ‘there is
more to the constitution of apolisthan the
gathering ofanthropos’: in other words, the
physical fabric of the city is not incidental to,
but constitutive of the possibilities of political
community. In destroying this relational
space, urbicide targets the possibility of polit-
ical community and the very provocation of
difference– of heterogeneity – that is at its
core. Seen thus, urbicide is a version of polit-
icalviolencethat is not ‘merely’ corporeal
and material, but also profoundly existential:
‘Urbicide is a politics of exclusion aimed at
establishing the fiction of a being-without-
others’ (p. 434) (cf.genocide). sg/dg
Suggested reading
Graham (2004); Campbell, Graham and Monk
(2007).
utilitarianism A theory ofethicsoriginating
in nineteenth-century Britain, prescribing the
greatest good for the greatest number. The
good is defined by acts that promote happi-
ness, satisfaction or pleasure of the immediate
actor and those affected by the act (and
making utilitarianism part of a larger philo-
sophical approach known asconsequentialism).
Utilitarians further assume happiness is quan-
tifiable, thereby allowing calculation over an
entire population: the world is as good as it can
ever be when collective pleasure is maximized.
Jeremy Bentham (1748–1832) developed the
theory and John Stuart Mill (1806–73) elabor-
ated it. Both intended utilitarianism to bolster
their favourite political philosophy,liberal-
ism: only when people are free to choose will
the greatest good for the greatest number be
achieved (Mill’s ‘liberty principle’). Criticisms
of utilitarianism are legion and include an
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URBICIDE