The Economist February 19th 2022 Middle East & Africa 47
W
hathamistoParma,cheeseisto
Caerphillyandsparklingwineisto
a certainregionofFrance,thespiky
hairedsugarloafpineappleistoBenin.
Lastyearthisjuicydelicacywasgranted
thewestAfricancountry’sfirst“geo
graphicalindication”(gi), a legallabel
thatmarksoutproductsthatcomefrom
a particularregion.
Benin’smovesignalsa widertrend.
Otherplaceshavelongsoughtspecial
statusfortheirfanciestfodder.France
andItalyhaveroughly6,000gis each.
Africanswanta sliceoftheaction.It
couldbetasty.Salesofproductsgivengi
statusbytheeuareworth€75bna year
($83bn).Onaveragefoodswithgistatus
commanda 43%pricepremium,saysa
recentstudy.Forwine,whichmakesup
morethan50%ofsalesofeuprotected
products,thatrisesto300%.
Beninhopesthatgis willnotonly
sweetenitspineappleexports—the
fourthbiggestinwestAfrica—butalso
makeitssalesofcashews,sheanutsand
sheabuttermorefruitful.Higherprices
couldmakea bigdifferenceina country
where38%ofpeopleworkonfarmsand
45%liveonlessthan$1.90a day.
Othersintheregionhopetobenefit,
too.Cameroon’sPenjapepperwasthe
firstAfricanproducttoreceivethecov
etedlabelin2013.Salesofthesought
afterpeppercorn,whichisgrowninthe
volcanicsoilsofMountCameroon,
helpedstimulatea sixfoldriseinlocal
farmers’incomes.Itnowgracesthe
platesofMichelinstarredchefs.
gis havethepotentialtoencourage
farmerstobandtogethertoimprove
standardsandearnhigherprices.Buta
bigchallenge,saysMichaelBlakeney,a
professorattheUniversityofWestern
Australia,willbetomakesurethatthe
benefitsofpremiumpricesarepassedon
tofarmersandarenotcapturedby
middlemen,whotypicallyhavemore
informationaboutmarketsthansmall
scalefarmers.
Moreover,competitionisintensify
ingasmorecountriesseekprotectedgis
fortheirownproducts.Penjapepper
alreadyhasrivalsfromCambodiaand
Indonesia.Benin’spineappleswillhave
tobattleagainstthelikesofHuayMon
ones,whichThailandhopestoprotect.
Thoughsurelya sugarloafbyanyother
namewouldnottasteassweet.
Foodlabels
Thechampagne of Benin
Howthesugarloafpineapplejoinedthepantheonofposhnosh
By theirfruits,youwillknowthem
JihadistsintheSahel
French leave
W
hentheyarrivedin 2013 itwasina
rush: 250 men from a base in Sene
gal; 950 from Chad; helicopters and men
from Burkina Faso. With fastmoving col
umns of jihadists dashing south through
Mali and poised to capture Bamako, the
capital, within days, there was no time for
a multinational force from the un or eco-
was, the regional bloc. François Hollande,
then French president, ordered his troops
into Mali, urging them to “get it done”.
And they did. Within hours they were
attacking the jihadists; within weeks
France was recapturing cities such as Tim
buktu and Gao. Yet what had been planned
as a brief intervention turned into a grind
ing nineyear struggle against jihadists af
filiated to alQaeda and Islamic State. Now
they are leaving, their mission incomplete.
On February 17th, after meeting in Paris
with European and African partners,
France announced that “due to multiple
obstructions” by the current Malian re
gime it would withdraw its roughly 2,400
troops from Mali. A European specialforc
es mission is withdrawing, too.
The immediate cause is a diplomatic
breakdown between France (and its allies)
and the junta that overthrew Mali’s elected
government in 2020, led a second coup last
year and has since refused to hand power
to civilians. The junta recently kicked out
the French ambassador and Danish com
mandos, who were helping it fight the jiha
dists. Rubbing salt in the wound, it hired
Russian mercenaries from Wagner Group.
Yet the roots of this withdrawal are
deeper. France’s campaign, which started
so well, has been going badly. In 2020 more
than 6,000 people were killed in conflict in
Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, about seven
times more than in 2016. About 3.5m have
been forced from their homes.
France and the region’s armies have
won tactical victories—since January 2020
they have killed about 2,700 militants—yet
the jihadists continue to recruit and grow.
Militants have since swept out of Mali and
spread terror through Burkina Faso and Ni
ger and are now striking south into coastal
states such as Benin and Ivory Coast. Ef
forts to slow recruitment through econom
ic development and improved governance
have lagged. Insecurity has triggered a
spate of coups with popular backing.
France’s withdrawal from Mali casts a
shadow over multinational efforts to sta
bilise it. The un’s mission, Minusma, has
some 12,000 bluehelmeted troops includ
ing contingents from Britain and Germany.
French help will be less readily available
when they come under attack. Some troop
contributors may follow the French out.
France will continue to fight jihadists in
the region, but its task will be all the more
difficult as the militants carve out more ha
vens in Mali. The burning question is
whether Mali’s neighbours can hold their
own. President Emmanuel Macron said
that European forces would be recentred
on Niger. Countries in the Gulf of Guinea
would get extra help too. They will need it.
The coastal states are richer and have
stronger armies, which means they have a
better chance of holding back the jihadist
tide. But the fact thattheyface this test is in
itself a worrying defeat,for the region and
for its Western allies.n
J ACQUEVILLE AND PARIS
France and its allies are leaving Mali,
but their fight is not done