Alagha 465s part of its A intifāh. program, Hizbullah tried to portray itself as
a promoter of Muslim-Christian coexistence, stressing the importance
of pluralism through multi-confessional representation. It incorporated
Christians, including Maronites, in its parliamentary elections lists,
granting them the right to speak in Hizbullah’s name as long as they
did not deflect from the party’s established doctrines, and it also shared
municipal council seats with Christians. Hizbullah modified its demand
for the abolishment of political sectarianism,^21 taking a stance closer to
that of the Maronite Church and papal guidance, which stress the abol-
ishment of political sectarianism in “the mentality” before abolishing it
“in the texts.”^22 In turn, the Pope’s call for fraternity and the inculcation
of dialogue and tolerance among the Lebanese hit a responsive chord
in Hizbullah circles since much of it was reminiscent of Imam Musa al-
Sadr’s discourse on Christian-Muslim understanding, mutual coexistence,
and open and permanent dialogue.
s dynamics at the national level reshaped Hizbullah and its poli-A
cies, the party made decisions that may not have been popular with the
rank and file or even with some of its leaders. On the whole, Hizbullah’s
actions during this intifāh. phase were based on realpolitik, political expe-
diency, benefit, and interest [mas.lah.a]. Having met success with its initial
foray into politics and governance, Hizbullah was poised to seize a more
prominent national role.
Phase III: Participation, domination, and contestation
In 2005, Nasrallah delivered a fiery speech in which he announced
Hizbullah’s intention to play a leading political and developmental role in
Lebanon through complete participation in Lebanese political, economic,
and administrative life, as well as in all governmental institutions, includ-
ing the cabinet.^23 As described previously, the founders of Hizbullah,
including Nasrallah, had originally split from Amal when it made this
very decision. This pivotal move for Hizbullah came about due to the
major shift in relations between Lebanon and Syria following the assas-
sination of Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri on 14 February 2005, an event
many saw as the work of Syrian agents and that polarized the country into