Analysis of the Study of Religious Organizations 131
institution that controls access to resources.^1 The weakness of institutionalizing pro-
cesses is so marked that even the labels associated with the basic activities of religious
life are contested. This can be illustrated with a few examples.
The concept of “membership” is a case in point. All churches have members, but
each faith tradition has a very different conceptualization of what constitutes member-
ship in their tradition. In the Catholic Church, for example, membership is virtually
a birthright. Infants are baptized into the church by their parents without any con-
scious election on their part. In most Protestant churches, baptism is prohibited until
a person is of an age to make a personal witness to God. In Baptist churches, one is not
considered a member until one is baptized. Some denominations require that baptism
be performed by full immersion, others argue that sprinkling is appropriate, and each
has their own belief about the appropriate age at which baptism can occur. Similarly,
some denominations require members to attend religion classes before becoming a
member, while others simply ask for a declaration of faith. The wide variations in prac-
tices and beliefs surrounding the concept of membership suggest that the organization,
rather than the environment determines the meaning and exercise of membership. This
in turn is evidence that institutionalizing processes in the religious environment are
weak.
Variations in the understandings of what “clergy” symbolizes is another illustration
of the weakness of a shared interorganizational culture. In the Episcopal Church, for
example, ordination transmits the authority of Christ in a direct line from the apostle
Peter to every priest. This apostolic succession is the way that the Church legitimates the
authority of its teachings and structures. Other denominations, however, believe in the
“priesthood of all believers,” meaning that they believe no individual has a greater right
to interpret God’s authority, although some are “called” by God to preach. Yet even
these denominations sometimes distinguish between different kinds of ordination. The
Presbyterian Church and the Church of the Nazarene, for example, have different levels
of ordination, that are associated with different levels of privilege and responsibility,
while many recognize only one form of ordination.
The meaning of ministry, the definition of “clergy,” and the symbolic significance
of ordination tend to vary by denomination. Organizational authority also overrides
occupational authority. Unlike most so-called professional occupations, there is no
professional class of “clergy” whose authority transcends the authority of individual
denominations. There is no professional equivalent of the American Bar Association
or the American Medical Association that establishes professional norms or practices
or standards of training. Clergy are ordained within their own denomination, and the
rights and privileges of ordination are limited to that denomination. Training and ed-
ucational requirements for clergy are determined by the denomination rather than the
profession and these requirements vary widely. Some denominations have no educa-
tional requirements other than literacy in reading the Bible, while others require an
advanced masters degree in divinity. Some denominations vest local churches with the
(^1) An exception to this may be the recent formation of the Office for Faith Based Organizing
started by President George W. Bush. Depending on how it is implemented, new federal regu-
lations may influence the creation of new religious forms that will adopt standardized forms
in response to state regulation.