Religion and the New Immigrants 235
most immigrant congregations, with the exception of evangelical Christian churches
that tend to attract young people (e.g., Chinese Christian [Yang 2000a]; Korean
Christian [Chai 1998]; and evangelical Hispanic churches [Leon 1998; Sullivan 2000a]). ́
In fact, the issue of the second generation and its lack of interest in participating in
ethnic congregations is one of the major concerns in most congregations. The future
of these religious institutions rests on the participation and involvement of the next
generation in congregational affairs, yet the youth are not present in large numbers.
There are four major problems that second generation members confront within
their parents’ congregations: (a) many feel estranged by the ethnic ambiance of the
immigrant congregation, including the heavy use of an old-country language; (b) in
some cases, the young people adopt Americanized attire and/or demeanor that the
older generation defines as improper and often comment on negatively; (c) sometimes
the religious services themselves are defined by youth as too rigid and old-fashioned,
although in most congregations, English services designed for the second-generation
incorporate aspects of American youth culture such as rock music, and are less for-
mal than the services their parents attend; and (d) in some religious institutions, adult
second-generation members are denied meaningful participation in congregational af-
fairs and access to authority roles to which they think they are entitled. These issues
cut across case studies of different religions and ethnicities and are widespread (Chai
1998; George 1998; Leon 1998; Ebaugh and Chafetz 2000b). ́
The participation of second-generation youth in evangelical, often nondenomi-
national ethnic Christian churches provides an interesting exception that gives clues
regarding what is meaningful and attractive to them. First, these churches emphasize
the provision of special youth worship services in English, with a youth pastor who can
relate to that age group, and that incorporate modern versions of hymns and musical
instruments (Mullins 1987; Goette 1993; Kwon 1997; Chong 1998). Second, they em-
phasize social and group activities for young people in which they can interact on an
informal basis, such as youth retreats, cell groups based on age, community projects, so-
cials, and so on (George 1998; Yang 2000a). Third, youth play central roles in planning,
executing, and evaluating these activities so that they, in fact, feel that they “own” them
and are responsible for them (Chai 1998).
The future of immigrant congregations rests substantially on whether they can
maintain the interest and commitment of the second generation. Since the majority
of second-generation members among the new immigrants are only now in college
or beginning their adult lives, there is little longitudinal research on their religious
patterns. Large-scale studies of the second generation, including variations in degree
of religious involvement, such as the current one being conducted by Mollenkopf,
Kasinitz, and Waters in New York, will hopefully provide the kinds of data needed to
understand the future of religion among immigrant youth.
The Role/Status of Women in Immigrant Religious Institutions
While women play a central role in reproducing cultural traditions in immigrant reli-
gious institutions, they are also beginning to assume more leadership roles and greater
“voice” within them than is often the case in counterpart institutions in their home-
lands. Their role in reproducing traditional culture, a conservative role that women
frequently play in many cultures, occurs in three basic ways: (a) by preparing and