The Evolution of the Sociology of Religion 71
BEYOND THE PARADIGMS: A GLOBAL CHALLENGE
What, then, confronts the sociologist of religion who is willing to take the global chal-
lenge seriously? This question can be answered in two ways – first, by using a geo-
graphical frame, and then by considering a range of global social movements that are
essentially religious in nature. Both approaches have implications for empirical as well
as theoretical sociology and both can be found in the useful collection of essays edited
by Berger (1999).
A Geographical Perspective
In the previous sections, a firm distinction was made between the old world and the
new, contrasting both the empirical realities and the sociological thinking in Europe
with their counterparts in the United States. Without, for the time being, venturing
beyond Christianity, it is now necessary to take into account at least parts of the de-
veloping world: Latin America, sub-Saharan Africa and the Christianized parts of the
Far East (for example South Korea and the Philippines). In none of these places are the
indicators of secularization persuasive; quite the reverse, in fact, as traditional forms of
Christianity compete with innovative expressions of the faith – notably widespread and
popular Pentecostalism – for the attentions, in many cases, of growing populations. It
is true that the traditional disciplines of the Christian churches may be breaking down,
but not in favor of the secular. The movement, rather, is toward new (much less control-
lable) expressions of Christianity and emergent hybrids, notably in the Latin American
case, where an individual may be one thing in the morning (a Christian denomination)
and quite another (not least an Afro-Brazilian variant) in the afternoon. Add to this al-
ready extensive list the parts of the world dominated by other world faiths – the hugely
varied Islamic nations, the competing religious traditions of the Middle East, the Sikhs
and Hindus of the Indian subcontinent and the great diversity of Eastern religions –
and Berger’s claim that the developing world is “as furiously religious as ever” seems
well justified (Berger 1992: 32).
In geographical terms, the only possible exceptions to a religious worldview are
Japan and West Europe, together with West Europe’s outposts in the form of the English-
speaking Dominions – all of which, it is important to note, constitute developed global
regions. (The great unknown remains, of course, the immense Chinese population, in
which it is still difficult to predict what is likely to happen in religious terms both in the
short and long term.) The fact that the two most secularized parts of the globe are two
of the most developed does, however, give pause for thought regarding the possible
connections of modernization and secularization – the core of both modernization
and secularization theory (Inglehart 1990, 1997).^6 These cases, however, need to be
balanced against the United States, which – it is abundantly clear – remains a very
notable exception; the relationship is by no means proven.
The situation is, in fact, confused rather than clear-cut, a fact revealed in the rich
selection of material brought together in Heelas and Woodhead (2000), and increasingly
in the most recent textbooks concerned with the sociology of religion (Aldridge 2000).
(^6) Interestingly, Inglehart’s most recent account is rather more nuanced. Economic moderniza-
tion is indeed associated with value change, but such change is path dependent. In other words,
the broad cultural heritage of a society (not least the religious element) leaves an imprint that
endures despite modernization (Inglehart and Baker 2000).