The CaucasusThis entry deals mainly with Azerbaijan. This is
because of the shortage of relevant scholarship on
the rest of the Muslim Caucasus. Family relations
in the Muslim Caucasus are based on gender and
generational hierarchies whereby the elders com-
mand great respect and authority over the young.
In the pre-Soviet era men had absolute authority
over their wives and children, as reflected in the
phrase ar Allahin kolgasidir (a husband is the
shadow of God). The Soviet revolution attempted
to alter many of the patriarchal aspects of family
and gender relations by banning the practices of
polygamy, and underage and forced marriages,
and through setting up women’s committees,
“zhensoviets,” which campaigned for women’s
emancipation and intervened in cases of violence
against women. Gender equality was established in
legislation concerning marriage, custody of chil-
dren, inheritance, and employment (Heyat 2002,
80).
During the Soviet era extended family and kin-
ship relations continued to form the most funda-
mental basis of support for the individual and the
focus of their loyalties (Chenciner 1997, Tohidi
1996, 1998). However, there were subtle and
profound changes in family and gender relations,
especially in the industrialized urban centers in
Azerbaijan. The liberalization in intergenerational
relations was most marked in mother/daughter-in-
law relations. It was transformed from a highly
authoritarian relationship where a young bride was
expected to act as a maid in the service of the hus-
band’s household, to one of mutual support and
loyalty. Similarly, husband/wife relationships, par-
ticularly among the intelligentsia, were signifi-
cantly transformed, as noted in the change of term
for a spouse, hayat yoldash(life comrade/friend).
Nevertheless, the husband, ar, remained the nomi-
nal head of the family and the main breadwinner
(Heyat 2002, 145).
In the later Soviet era as women entered employ-
ment en masse(in the rural areas as members of col-
lective farms, kolkhoz) they became breadwinners
as well as largely assuming charge of household
affairs and the education of children. The Soviet
media and the state regularly promoted the posi-
tion of mothers, awarding medals and rewards to
Family Relations
women with many children. The system of strong
reciprocal support within the close-knit extended
family also reinforced the mother’s position, since it
was often the maternal grandmother and aunts
who helped with the care of children (Heyat 2000).
Mothers and grandmothers generally wield over-
whelming influence over their offspring in matters
of education, marriage, and residence. However,
fathers also retain close relations with their chil-
dren, especially with their sons. Among the siblings,
brothers often assume authority over sisters regard-
ing issues of sexual propriety and female conduct.
This is less so among the educated professional
strata of society where male-female relations are
more liberal.
Given the strength of the institution of family,
relations with cousins, whether on the paternal or
maternal side, are often very close. It is not uncom-
mon for people to refer to their first cousin as their
brother or sister. The mutual support and loyalty
expected from the kin group, particularly the first
degree family members, makes it incumbent on the
adult children to care for elderly parents. Tradi-
tionally, the youngest son is expected to remain
with his parents after marriage and eventually to
inherit the family home. Widows normally live with
their youngest son and his family. Under the Soviet
system shortage of housing reinforced the practice
of multiple generations living in a single house-
hold (Chenciner 1997). However, this also led to
increased tension in the household and friction
between generations, in particular with in-laws. In
cases of family disputes, the customary arbiter is a
well-respected elder member, the ak sakkal(gray
beard). The ak birchek (gray hair), female elder,
often mediates disputes between women members.
It is rare for Azeri families to resort to the legal sys-
tem to resolve a conflict with a relative.
In Azerbaijan, and generally among the Muslims
in the Caucasus, the family as a network of support
and control, particularly of women, led to few inci-
dents of runaway children. In Soviet times, in cases
of serious conflict within the family a child could
move on to live with a close relative, or failing that,
to a state boarding house caring for orphaned or
abandoned children. In many of these state homes,
especially in the larger cities, the degree of care and
concern for the children’s welfare was reasonably
high. However, since independence, there is a grow-