ing population of displaced and homeless young
people in the major cities. The vulnerability of run-
away girls, in the absence of family protection and
state provisions, is further escalated with the increase
in prostitution and the post-Soviet lawlessness.
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137–61.
Farideh HeyatCentral AsiaThe traditional Central Asian family is extended,
patrilineal, and patrilocal. There are many varia-
tions over this vast area, especially between the his-
torically sedentary and the nomadic peoples. These
were intensified by differential exposure to Sovieti-
zation, Tajikistan being the least influenced and
Kazakhstan the most, with urban populations more
affected than rural.
There are also significant similarities, particu-
larly in basic gender characteristics. Inculcated in
children from birth, in order to induce appropriate
behavior patterns, and in Central Asia both sex and
age dependent, these are crucial to family relation-
ships. Since this region is a gerontocracy, young
men and women are expected to be submissive to
parents but gain power as they age. However, gen-
der stereotypes depict the mature controlling man
and the young sexually pure, submissive women,
thus naturalizing older male dominance. In much
of the region, young people have little, if any,
choice over marriage arrangements and mothers
have been known to force even their sons into
unwanted unions. Nevertheless, in many more edu-
cated and/or urban circles young people may
choose their own spouses, with parental approval.
At least among Tajiks and Uzbeks, marriage
between first cousins is frequent, while Kazakhs
marry exogamously. Traditional family organiza-
tion is often maintained even by the most highly
educated, and the worst thing that could happen to
a Central Asian family is to lose its honor (nàmùs)
central asia 141through improper gender-related behavior from
either sex.
Traditional family relations are strongly formal-
ized. Relational rather than proper names are used
when addressing, and talking about, members, and
teknonymy is prevalent in all but the most
Russianized environments. The strictest customs
regulate the conduct of the daughter-in-law (kelin),
particularly as a new bride. Kelinliterally means
incomer and at least until they have consolidated
their relationship within their marital family by
bearing sons, brides remain on sufferance and must
strive hard to please. They should remain silent and
work hard. A man’s first allegiance is to his natal
family, so a kelinwill rarely have anyone on her side
if she has problems with one of her in-laws.
It is important for a kelin to bear a child as soon
as possible, with patrilocal residence intensifying
son preference. In Soviet times large families were
prevalent, especially in Tajikistan and Turkmenis-
tan, with 15 or more children not uncommon in
rural areas. While desired numbers of children have
dropped since independence, the tendency remains
on the high side. One son, often the youngest, will
be expected to remain with his parents for life and
he and his wife will have the primary responsibility
for their care. It is considered shaming to abandon
old people, and large families mean that childless
individuals can usually find someone to look after
them. Barrenness is highly stigmatized, usually
blamed on women, and considered an acceptable
reason for polygyny or divorce.
Especially among newly-weds, divorce is greatly
on the increase in most of Central Asia, owing to
economic pressures, social instability, and, in
Tajikistan at least, a dearth of young men. In that
republic divorce is almost as often initiated by
mothers-in-law as by husbands. However, women
who make a good living, whose husbands, unem-
ployed, and thus a drain on resources, refuse to
carry out traditionally female domestic and child-
care tasks, are starting to instigate divorce. Despite
legal equality, women often suffer hardship upon
divorce, including social opprobrium as well as
material difficulties. In pre-Soviet times children
were held to belong to the patrilineage. However,
since Soviet courts almost always awarded children
to divorced mothers, even after a religious divorce,
mothers today very often take the children. As
there is little or no shared custody, the parent who
does not take the children may rarely, if ever, see
them again.
Legally, divorcees and widows have a right to
remain in the family home. However, if this belongs
to their in-laws they are more likely to move back