social pressure for the marriage to succeed and to
avoid divorce. Levirate marriages are common,
where a widow is remarried to her late spouse’s
brother, and women past childbearing age tend to
be married for respectability and stature in the
community.
Discussions about the family are often based on
the males’ point of view rather than looking at the
rights and responsibilities transferred through mar-
riage to women, such as domestic labor, sexuality,
and children. There is often a significant age differ-
ence between a man and his wife because of the
demands on men to accumulate sufficient bride-
wealth and to attain the appropriate status in the
family to have the support of the father, uncles, and
other influential family members. For women,
access to resources is made possible through mar-
riage, though it can be especially problematic in
polygynous unions. The move to her husband’s
house/village upon marriage marks the transition
from girl to woman. Marriages are most often ar-
ranged by the parents of the young woman. Unlike
many other West African societies, Fulbe consider
neither premarital sex nor dating as precursors to
marriage, as the resulting union would be impure
before Allah (Furth 2004, 94). In fact, Fulbe pro-
hibit girlfriends and boyfriends from marrying,
especially in cases where sexual relationships are
confirmed in pregnancy. Virginity is highly prized
for brides, although recent estimates of sexual
activity among teenagers in Guinea (Görgen et al.
1998) suggests that virginity may be more symbolic
than real, reflected by the decrease in the practice
of displaying bloodstained sheets after the marriage
is consummated or the willingness to fabricate
proof in order to protect the families’ honor (Furth
2004, 104).
Power differences within families based on parity
and gender differently affect members’ ability to
access resources such as land, housing, money, and
education. For those who move with their hus-
bands, migration is a source of new ideas and skills,
but for those who are denied resources within the
marriage, migration may become a means to finan-
cial independence. Women in rural areas generally
face greater family-related social and economic
constraints than their male counterparts and may
view mobility, as well as extra-marital sexual net-
working, as alternatives. The process of leave-
taking is a catalyst for change and negotiation of
social roles for women that clearly merits further
exploration and research.
The pilgrimage to Mecca is another transforma-
tive experience for women, as the Hadja title is a
religious, social, and economic status symbol. For a
sub-saharan africa: fulbe societies 145woman to have her child finance the pilgrimage to
Mecca is a sign of success: she has raised her chil-
dren to be contributors to the family economy,
according to Islamic principles. Status in the com-
munity and family has traditionally been based on
hereditary positions and religious learning, perpet-
uated through marital alliances. However, the abil-
ity of young men to make their fortune through
labor migration has led to an increase in interethnic
marriages and marriages between high and low sta-
tus families. Movement from rural areas to urban
centers also allows for temporary, informal living
arrangements between men and women where the
consent of the families is not sought, for example
relationships that are called tap to me(Krio for
“cohabit with me”) by Fulbe in Sierra Leone
(Andrews 2004). While these extra-familial rela-
tionships are not commonly discussed or condoned,
they are an important example of how migration to
urban African cities and beyond provides an expan-
sion of cultural norms and gender roles.
Kinship is a strategic resource in this context
where migration is a durable feature of everyday
life and seizing opportunities in other regions may
depend on the presence of kin, whether real or
practical, to ease the initial pressures of the move.
Particularly in Guinea, Sierra Leone, Liberia, and
Côte d’Ivoire, many Fulbe, who may have origi-
nally arrived as economic migrants, have now
become forcibly displaced because of war. For
Fulbe, practical kin are created through sharing
household resources, care of children, and having a
common place of origin. While the existence and
importance of a biological caregiver is assumed,
children may spend a substantial amount of time
away from blood relatives. Fostering is a common
practice; children may go to live with a childless
aunt, an older relative who needs assistance, or
family in an urban area who can provide support
while the child is at school. Children provide a link
between scattered family members, particularly for
a group like the Fulbe who continue to be migrants
for economic and political reasons. The mainte-
nance of family ties through marriage, remittances,
fostering, and visits for funerals and other impor-
tant ceremonies remains vital in maintaining a
sense of Fulbe identity.Bibliography
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L. Andrews, Sembakounya camp life, in K. Jacobsen (ed.),
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MacMillan Publishers (forthcoming).
M. Di Leonardo (ed.), Gender at the crossroads of knowl-
edge. Feminist anthropology in the postmodern era,
Berkeley 1991.