Central AsiaThe legendary hospitality of Central Asians was
the consequence of several influences. Foremost
was the role played by the Great Silk Road, which
depended on hospitality to support caravans of
goods. Village and neighborhood communal hospi-
tality houses, as well as Beduin and Islamic norms,
also bolstered Central Asian hospitality, as did the
influence of Russian culture in the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries.
Ethnographers have acknowledged the impor-
tance of hospitality in Central Asian culture exclu-
sively from the male perspective. Among sedentary
Central Asians, the role of women has remained
secreted in the ichkari(interior of the house). The
literature describes traditional communal hospital-
ity houses (alovkhonaand mehmonkhona) (Rahi-
mov 1990). The alovkhona(house of fire) derives
from the Zoroastrian temple of eternal flame and is
usually attributed to the mountain Tajiks. It was a
space for ritual practice and men’s feasts as well as
for guests.
Like the alovkhona, the communal mehmon-
khona(guesthouse) was kept by the sedentary pop-
ulation in the Central Asian plains. However, they
played an essential role for the nomadic population
as well. Nomads always had extra yurts for guests.
In their winter settlements semi-nomadic tribes built
stationary guesthouses, mosques, and enclosures
for livestock before they built personal dwellings.
The hospitality houses were maintained commu-
nally and provided hospitality without charge.
There were also mehmonkhonas in private resi-
dences, usually a room remote from the women’s
part of the dwelling. Established originally in
houses of rich Soghdians, they are now a focal
point in every Central Asian dwelling.
Many sayings and expressions reflect an exalted
idea of hospitality: the guest is a messenger of God
(Tajik); God’s guest (Kyrgyz); dearer than a father
(Uzbek). The gates are always open to symbolize
hospitality and the readiness to receive guests. The
host is expected to share everything he possesses
down to his last loaf of bread.
Male and female roles and responsibilities were
sharply divided. Females of all ages and boys
served. Women maintained a clean and orderly
household in case guests arrived. Men were respon-
Hospitality
sible for supplying refreshments (sweets and dried
fruits) because women had limited access to public
bazaars. When the Soviets lifted restrictions on
women’s socializing, women added the masculine
obligations of hospitality (as well as working outside
the home) to their traditional women’s obligations.
It is customary for women and girls to prepare
food. In public places such as the mehmonkhonaor
choykhona(teahouse) men cook and have feasts
with various names depending on the region:
Gap, Jura, Jumagap, Tukma, Gashtak, Gurung,
Ziyofat (Rahimov 1990, Snesarev 1963), Joro bolo
(Simakov 1984). Women also have gatherings. In
these gatherings, as well as at weddings, funerals,
and other women’s occasions, an important woman
specialist in rituals – the dasturkhanchi– plays a
key role as master of ceremonies or hospitality
leader. She is elected to this honorary position by
women of the residential community. The das-
turkhanchiinitiates all ritual events; she monitors
the correct sequence of observance, helps hostesses
to receive and seat guests, and decides on the divi-
sion of labor for preparation of meals or gifts. She
is well versed in the details of ceremonies and the
norms of behavior and etiquette during their obser-
vance (Alimova and Azimova 2000, Kandiyoti and
Azimova forthcoming). Similar masters act for men
but they are not elected.
Gifts are given on almost all occasions, such as
guest receptions (esteemed male guests are garbed
in ethnic robes, while women receive choice outfits
and scarves), weddings, or other family life-cycle or
community events, Islamic and secular holidays,
and meetings of gender and age groups (in the lat-
ter case it is a host who receives a gift or cash from
each member). Sometimes women pack food or
sweets for guests to take home. Women also ex-
change special holiday recipes.
Etiquette determines the physical allocation of
family members and guests. For instance, in tradi-
tional families women and children do not sit at the
table with guests. While many families influenced
by Russian culture no longer do this, they still prac-
tice ranking around the table. Guests occupy the
best places at the head of table, which is always
opposite to an entrance. Father and son sit next to
guests, while mother and girls take peripheral posi-
tions. Men sit comfortably cross-legged on the
floor, while women sit with one leg under them and