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243–63.Valentine M. MoghadamThe Gulf and YemenCitizenship in the Arab Gulf States and Yemen is
constructed on a kin-tribal basis. Within this patri-
lineal, patriarchal social structure, state rulers – the
male heads of tribes – grant citizenship to members
of society on the basis of family and tribal lineage.
This differs from the universally dominant dis-
course of citizenship and contractual civil rights
practiced in liberal democracies (Joseph 2000).
Understanding this difference eases the mapping of
a gendered citizenship in Gulf countries, where
women are assumed to be under the guardianship
of male members in society.
In the Gulf states, a khulàßa qà±id usra muwà†in
(family citizenship record) or a “national certificate,”
officially used in some states, is the main record of
citizenship. The term may differ slightly from one
state to another, yet the meaning remains the same.
Embedded in this construction is the inability of a
national woman to extend citizenship rights to her
husband and children if married to a non-national,24 citizenship
a non-Gulf Cooperation Council national, or a
non-Muslim. It is only in the exceptional case of an
unknown, deceased, or absconding father that a
national woman in the Gulf region can extend citi-
zenship to her children, although she cannot have a
separate family record. In the case where she does,
she cannot register her children in this record. With
the inability to sustain family lineage, the woman’s
family record will cease to exist upon her death.
The national certificate is the main document
upon which nationality is issued. It defines the citi-
zen’s ranking and, in turn, the state benefits to
which he or she is entitled. A woman follows her
guardian’s grade. Nationality is not granted on an
equal basis; it varies from full nationality by descent
to nationality by naturalization. When a non-
national woman is granted citizenship as a result of
marrying a full national, hers is considered full
nationality, but is still treated as that of a depend-
ent. The woman may lose it in case of early divorce
(the period is defined differently among Gulf states)
or second marriage to a non-national.
A non-national woman is not granted automatic
citizenship through marriage. She must first apply
for it, and then wait for a period that may vary from
three years (United Arab Emirates) to five years
(Saudi Arabia) to fifteen years (Kuwait). None of the
Gulf States allow dual citizenship. Anyone (male
and female) taking up citizenship in the Gulf region
must forsake their previous citizenship and submit
their old passport to the authorities in the respective
Gulf state. The practice of specifying the status of
women as the “daughter of” or “wife of” in all iden-
tification documents such as driving licenses, pass-
ports, and bank accounts, has been challenged and
is expected to recede following complaints by
women against it.
Despite the fact that all Gulf countries are signa-
tories to the CEDAW (Convention on the Elim-
ination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women) discrimination continues. Kin-based citi-
zenship necessarily results in discrimination against
women in the region. However, this should not
obscure some of the positive elements enjoyed by
women in the Gulf region. As oil states, with the
exception of Yemen, Gulf countries built their legit-
imacy on a state welfare system that provides citi-
zens with rights to free education, employment,
housing, and health services, as well as other grants
and state subsidies. Since women are by definition
members of the family, they are considered benefi-
ciaries of these rights as long as they do not conflict
with their primary responsibilities to their families.
Women’s progress in the field of education within
a short period serves as a showcase. The United