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New Haven, Conn. 1995.Pranee Liamputtong and Vicki TsianakasThe CaucasusIn Caucasian cultures the cult of the mother,
which is at the forefront of life, manifests itself at
the linguistic level. Many words, such as land,
water, and fire in the Vainakh, Daghestan, and
Georgian languages begin with the word for
“mother,” as well as the words denoting sanctity in
the Abkhazian language. In these cultures the tra-
ditional attitude toward the mother is combined
with forms of Christianity and Islam.
Although there are nuclear families in the cities,
the extended family predominates in the Caucasus.
Islam allows polygyny in both religious and local
law, and cases are observed in Azerbaijan, the
Caucasian Republic, and Georgia (Pankisi Gorge,
mountainous Achara, and Kvemo Kartli, inhabited
by the Azeri population).
Female archetypes dictated that a woman’s most
important function was reproduction. Even today
if a married woman does not produce a child, her
husband, her relatives and those of her husband,
and the woman herself regard it as a tragedy.
Traditional ways of combating childlessness are
widespread in the Caucasus, such as prayers, baths
of holy water, and folk medicine, including sacrifice:
tushol(Chechnya, Ingushia), kobilkeri(Daghestan),
and madimairam(Ossetia) (Muzhukhov 1989, 52,
Chesnov 1993, 60–1). Only after giving birth to a512 motherhood
child and the multi-staged ritual of purification that
follows is the woman a full member of society. She
achieves status only as a mother and, as such, she
perpetuates the postulates of patriarchy.
The mother perpetuates the child’s gender roles
as well. For example, among the Tsezs of Daghe-
stan the boy is referred to as “wolf,” “dog,” and
“lion,” the girl as “swallow,” “hen,” and “bird”
(Karpov 2001). In all cultures of the Caucasus the
son is the “family defender,” responsible for carry-
ing on the status of his family and ancestors. The
man’s family views the woman as a temporary
member, a guest of the family (Karapetian 1967,
40, Gajiev 1985, 110, Kochetova 1991, Smirnova
1968, 113).
In the Caucasian family the notion of fatherhood
was often included in the mother’s role as parent.
The psychologists Nizharadze and Surmanadze call
this phenomenon the strength of the “mother line”
in the process of child raising. It is firmly estab-
lished as a tradition. Today, in relation to family
and especially to a child, the mother remains an
influential figure. She can control the life of her
child and she can exert pressure and influence the
child’s behavior and choice of friends (Surmanidze
1998, 10, Nizharadze 1999, 11).
In many cultures of the Caucasus, the cult of the
mother is reflected in the existence of female god-
desses: Mother Nature (Nana, symbol of fertility
in Georgia, the goddess Ana Hit in Armenia),
Mezuzahs (wood housewife in Adige), Jaja (god-
dess of agriculture), Anana (mother-creator) (Inal-
ipa 1954, 224, Janashia 1960, 22), Tusholi (goddess
of spring among the Vainakhs) (Shiling 1934, 107),
and Mzekali (goddess of weather and the harvest in
Georgia).
As Surmanidze points out, in the mother cult the
idealized icon holds a powerful sway over reality.
While the idealized icon of mother is far from real-
ity, the mother is often judged by it. It does not leave
room for real life development and adaptation, but
if the mother does not behave in the stereotyped
ways, if she goes beyond the icon’s borders, she
may incur the disapproval of society (Surmanidze
1998, 10).
However, Soviet policy introduced significant
changes and undermined (but did not entirely de-
stroy) many religious dogmas and cultural stereo-
types. Despite the fact that the mother may have
had an active professional life outside the house as
doctor, teacher, or factory worker, her former obli-
gations as the person responsible for domestic life
remained paramount. This is the meaning of the
woman’s “double burden” and lies behind her need
to be a “superwoman.”