feminists addressed, separately, scriptural and spir-
itual issues. Most Arab feminists have also been
closely involved in male-dominated circles support-
ing Palestinian nationalism. In terms of its institu-
tional basis, the second wave feminism yielded an
array of non-governmental organizations, funded
by external donors, which are more radical than
the older organizations, and consequently also
more marginalized. Notably, despite their separate
identities, the various groups also form coalitions
and share many of their members.
The 1990s witnessed a proliferation of women’s
studies in academia, which in the early 2000s have
yielded several programs and even some depart-
ments of women and gender studies. Into the first
decade of the twenty-first century, with heightened
political hostilities, an ongoing economic recession,
and a rapid retreat of the welfare state, Israeli
feminism is orienting itself increasingly toward
the economic empowerment of women, through
skills training, workers’ organizations, and micro-
credit programs. Notwithstanding the creativity,
foresight, and commitment of the feminists, the
majority of Israeli women of all groups remain
reserved regarding the title “feminist.” While they
tend to endorse the discourse of women’s rights,
the mainstreaming of a gender perspective on soci-
ety and politics remains far outside local popular
discourses.
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Amalia Sa±arsouth asia 591South AsiaWomen in South Asia have participated in many
movements. For example, historical records speak
of women as revolutionaries in the early colonial
period. The nationalist struggle saw many women
as leaders and participants, and in the postcolonial
period women have initiated and achieved many
goals. However, whether the women’s movement
and the feminist movement are the one and the
same thing is a contentious issue.
There is a prevalent tendency to define feminism
as a phenomenon that originated in Europe and
was informed by the self-conscious concerns of
women as women. Women in South Asia exist in
the context of religious divisions and, to a large
extent, of sexual segregation. These women’s inter-
ests span much more than issues of gender hierar-
chies. After initial resistance feminist analysts are
now beginning to accept the multiplicity of differ-
ences that inform our experiences of gender hierar-
chy. Keeping with this understanding of feminism
this entry uses the concept of feminist movements
to include all mobilizations of women. This is also
consonant with the description of feminism as a
new social movement.
In South Asia women’s participation in the pub-
lic sphere can be usefully divided into three phases:
the early colonial period, the nationalist struggle,
and the postcolonial period.Early colonial period
Women in this historical period feature as revo-
lutionaries resisting the British efforts at coloniza-
tion. Although most accounts of resistance to
foreign powers by women describe them as wives
or mothers of political rulers it is important to em-
phasize that these women were mostly uneducated
and belonged to a social milieu that valorized seclu-
sion for women, whether or not that was the social
reality. For them to take up arms when their men-
folk were not able to do so was revolutionary in the
most radical sense. The most prominent names are
those of Rani of Jhansi and Begum Hazrat Mahal,
both of whom actually stepped in to direct and lead
armed struggle against the British colonists.Women in the nationalist
struggle
Many social reformers seeking to change un-
desirable aspects of Indian society preceded the
nationalist movement. Both Hindu and Muslim
reformers identified women’s condition as the tar-
get of reform. For a number of Hindu reformers