The Caucasus and Central AsiaIntroduction
We define Islamist movements very broadly,
referring to political movements that either adopt
Islam as a principle ideology or include it as a main
constituent of their ideology or ideologies. There
has been very little research on the role of women
in shaping Islamist movements and discourses in
the Caucasus and Central Asia. Nevertheless, from
what we do know, women have played a significant
historical role in the struggles against Russian pres-
ence in the region. Informally, women also struggle
to define varying aspects of their Muslim and eth-
nic identities against the backdrop of Islamist dis-
course and nationalist resistance.
Historical Background
The Russian invasions of the Caucasus and
Central Asia in the eighteenth and nineteenth cen-
turies ignited several cycles of resistance that were
initially successful, but finally defeated. Beginning
in 1783 with Shaykh Manßùr’s multiethnic Cauca-
sian resistance and continuing until the establish-
ment of the North Caucasian state in 1918 and the
Soviet invasion of that nascent state in 1921, the
Caucasus barely enjoyed a peaceful period during
the Tsarist era. The Tsarist era also witnessed the
30-year Caucasian wars (1829–59) involving the
legendary Imàm Shàmil, whose wife was a central
figure in his resistance campaign. Similarly, in
Central Asia, the resistance was losing ground to
the Russian advance, with Tashkent falling to
Tsarist Russia in 1865, Samarkand and Bukhara
in 1868, and the Turkmen regions in 1883–4
(Haghayeghi 1996, 93). The same cities fell to the
Soviets again in the 1920s after short periods of
independence.
One of the reactions to losing the battle against
the Russians was the birth of the reformist Jadid
movement. Established in 1883 by Ismail Bey
Gaspıralı (1851–1914), the movement advocated a
modern interpretation of Islam, spreading educa-
tion and allowing greater freedom for Muslim
women as methods of combating Russian imperial-
ism. The Jadid movement “not only included the
Political-Social Movements: Islamist Movements
and Discourses
‘women question’ in their political and social agenda
but transformed it into a ‘cause célèbre’” (Rorlich
2002, 247). Gaspıralı declared, “Whoever loves his
own people and wishes them a [bright] future must
concern himself with the enlightenment and educa-
tion of women, restore to them [their] freedom and
independence and give wide scope to the develop-
ment of their minds’ capabilities” (Rorlich 2002,
249).
Confronted with the 1917 developments and
upheavals, the Jadidists were divided between sev-
eral strategic choices, ranging from full cooperation
with the new “progressive” Soviets to militarily
resisting the “new invaders.” Factionalized and
fractured, the movement was easily suppressed by
Lenin and later crushed by Stalin. The demise of the
Jadid movement ended the “reform from within”
attempt and it became the exclusive task of the
Soviets to “emancipate” the Muslim women of the
Caucasus and Central Asia.
Termed the “surrogate proletariat,” Muslim
women were targeted exclusively as a way to simul-
taneously weaken traditional Central Asian iden-
tities and impose a uniform socialist, “modern,”
Russian model of society. This program focused on
incorporating women more visibly into the public
sphere, emphasizing their labor participation, edu-
cational opportunities, and equality before the law
(Akiner 1997, 262). In addition, symbols of their
Islamic identity, such as the veil, were systemati-
cally targeted. In 1955, under Khrushchev, veil
burning ceremonies were given widespread public-
ity and in 1959, the “end of the era of the veil was
officially announced with a ceremonial burning of
the last veil in Bukhara” (Rashid 1994, 34). This
forced Soviet “emancipation” was not completely
successful. Although many women benefited from
the educational and work opportunities offered to
them, not all necessarily subscribed to the ideologi-
cal components of the Soviet program.
Another Soviet policy that affected Muslim
women was the suppression of Islam in the public
sphere. As a result, Islamic belief and rituals were
mainly preserved in the private sphere, the realm of
the family and community. As primary caregivers in
the family, women could engage in private religious