ist women participated in protests to promote stu-
dent demands and gender equality.
A small group, led by Meena (1957–87), estab-
lished in 1977 the first independent feminist organ-
ization: the Revolutionary Association of the
Women of Afghanistan (RAWA), partly in response
to the marginalization of women’s issues in existing
organizations. RAWA emphasized clandestine,
grassroots activism and empowerment (Brodsky
2003).
Established in 1965, the pro-Soviet Democratic
Party of the People of Afghanistan (PDPA) soon
split into two factions: Khalq (Masses) and Par-
cham (Banner). The Parcham formed the Women’s
Democratic Organization of Afghanistan (WDOA).
Each faction organized clandestine cells that infil-
trated governmental and educational institutions
and youth groups. When their party ruled, women
from each faction gained prominence. Their impact
was limited since the public could not relate to well-
known female politicians (Emadi 2002).
Various PDPA governments initiated gender
reforms, emphasizing kindergarten expansion, lit-
eracy, education, job security, and health services.
Decree No. 7 aimed to change marriage customs,
but retained laws on custody, divorce, polygyny,
and abuse (Dupree 1984).
Under the PDPA, the state assumed protection
for women instead of welcoming women’s grass-
roots activism. Women were heralded in stereotyp-
ical supportive roles. Autocratic reforms provoked
resentment, especially in villages (Dupree 1984).
The PDPA responded by slowing reform and rein-
stating Islamic family law. Party followers purport-
edly retained PDPA initiatives (Moghadam 1992).
There were, nonetheless, reports of abuse of power
by party members. Many female members were
obliged to allow their parents to choose their mates
(Emadi 2002).
Particularly in Kabul, women and youth initially
supported leftist rule. Yet factional conflicts height-
ened, and promises of reforms failed to materialize.
Disillusionment turned into feelings of betrayal
after the invasion by the Soviet Union. Women’s
resistance emerged in informal gatherings, but
when information exchange about imprisoned
loved ones proved ineffective, collective protests
formed (Emadi 2002).
Invasion created educational and employment
opportunities for some women; for many it meant
loss of family, and captivity in Soviet and Mujà
hidìn jails. Women played key roles in grassroots
opposition and experienced enhanced community
status and empowerment by learning new organi-
zational and military skills (Ellis 2000). Many
iran and afghanistan 651joined the resistance following the imprisonment or
death of sons and husbands. Though military par-
ticipation was not extensive, women took part
especially in identifying and executing collabora-
tors (Dupree 1984, Emadi 2002).
Invasion shifted emphases of the movement from
gender struggle to community services at refugee
camps and support for male Mujàhidìn whose
vision of an independent Afghanistan did not in-
clude gender equality (Brodsky 2003, Emadi 2002).
Various organizations in camps were involved in
activities such as health services, education, and
creating revenues for women. Fundamentalists in
camps and the Pakistani police often harassed
activists. Many organizations learned to act within
limits set by fundamentalists who wielded tremen-
dous power (Dupree 2001). RAWA alone simul-
taneously opposed Soviets and fundamentalists
(Brodsky 2003).
Far from emancipation, the Taliban’s demise
restored the Northern Alliance, Mujàhidìn who
earlier inflicted wounds on Afghan women: “The
oppression of Afghanistan and particularly Afghan
women did not start with the Taliban nor has it
ended with its defeat” (RAWA, in Brodsky 2003, ix).
Sociopolitical change in Iran and Afghanistan
intertwines with concern for women’s rights.
Women symbolize modernity for governments and
parties, a condition that may advance status but
costs women’s movements autonomy. Iranian
women emerged as an active group earlier than
Afghani women, but revolutionaries in both coun-
tries showed reluctance toward feminist autonomy.
One factor for this resistance was a common ideo-
logical source: Soviet Marxism. Upheavals in the
late 1970s effected divergent results. In Iran, the
Islamic Republic assaulted women’s rights; in
Afghanistan, a paternalist Marxist regime dubbed
autonomous activism counter-revolutionary. Afghani
women have also had to ward off Islamist denial of
women’s rights, even after resisting Soviet occupa-
tion. Exiled Afghani and Iranian women defended
women’s rights in the homeland and experienced
new forms of activism and community involvement.Bibliography
E. Abrahamian, Iran between two revolutions, Princeton,
N.J. 1982.
——,The Iranian mojahedin, New Haven, Conn. 1989.
J. Afary, The Iranian Constitutional Revolution, 1906–- Grassroots democracy, social democracy, and
the origin of feminism, New York 1996.
M. Baràdaràn (M. Rahà), £aqìqat-i sàdah, Hanover,
Germany 1992.
A. E. Brodsky, With all our strength. The Revolutionary
Association of the Women of Afghanistan, New York