the civil service and equal pay; the 1971 maternal
law provided for six months’ paid maternity leave,
with the right to an additional six months’unpaid
leave. The General Federation of Iraqi Women
(GFIW), based in law 139 (1972) provided women
with literacy classes, vocational training, and child-
care (Farouk-Sluglett 1993; data refer to 1980). By
1986, women were said to be 40 percent of public
sector employees, although Iraq does not register
women’s labor force participation with the ILO.
The labor code also established a single trade
union structure, the General Federation of Trade
Unions (GFTU), with 1,250,000 members (Upham
1991, 233). The GFTU excluded civil servants, and
any demonstrations required prior approval from
the ministry of the interior. Labor conscription was
introduced in 1980, at the beginning of the war
with Iran. Decree 150 (1987) left public sector
employees rights of association. In 1991, Kuwaiti
labor activists complained to the ILO that Iraqi
occupation authorities banned trade unions, de-
stroyed their offices, and deported, imprisoned, or
killed Kuwaiti trade union leaders.
Iraqis currently live and work under military
occupation. Coalition Provisional Authority Order
I (16 May 2003) disestablishes Iraq’s Ba≠th Party
“by eliminating the party’s structures” such as the
GFIW and GFTU. CPA Order 1 may contravene
the International Covenant on Economic, Social,
and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), which “includes the
right of everyone to the opportunity to gain his [sic]
living by work which he [sic] freely chooses or
accepts” (AI I 2003). “Elimination of the party’s
structures” also results in an inability to maintain
civil order, and Iraqi women’s experience with vio-
lence keeps them from work and activism.
Jordan’s 1952 constitution grants citizens the
right to work (requiring special conditions for
women’s employment) and to form trade unions
“within the limits of the law” (article 23). Jordan
reports employment indicators to the ILO; of those
employed in Jordan, 14.2 percent were women. Of
employed women, 48.9 percent in 2000 worked
outside the home (Jordan 2000, cited in Ghosheh
2002); of those, half work for the government, 15
percent were self-employed, and about 10 percent
employed by family members (1997). In addition
to education, in which women are 42.1 percent of
all employees, Jordanian women work in health
and social services (13.9 percent), domestic labor
(0.6 percent), and non-governmental organizations
(0.5 percent).
Unlike in Egypt and Iraq, only Jordanian medical
professionals and teachers working in the private
sector have the right to join unions. While unions
arab states (excepting north africa and the gulf) 667are not required to affiliate with the Jordanian
Federation of Trade Unions (JFTU), all do, as in
Egypt and Iraq. The JFTU reported 200,000 mem-
bers in 1994, with 17 unions representing 30 per-
cent of Jordanian workers (Upham 1991, 239). The
labor law no. 8 (1996) excludes public servants
(including women who work as teachers, munici-
pal and agricultural workers, and non-nationals)
from its protections. The one million foreigners
working in Jordan are barred from trade union
membership. Permission is required to strike, and is
granted only if the ministry of labor fails to initiate
arbitration. Furthermore, recent emergency decrees
(laws of 2 October 2001) criminalize a number of
vaguely defined offenses, including unauthorized
public meetings (AI I 2002).
Lebanon’s constitution (1926, including 1990
amendments) guarantees equality of citizens before
the law (article 7). In 1994, 12.9 percent of Leba-
non’s female population was economically active.
Two years later, 26.8 percent of formally employed
women were teachers, 14 percent worked in com-
merce and maintenance, 13.8 percent in industry,
9.8 percent in health and social work, and 8 percent
in domestic service. While Lebanese labor law
guarantees equal remuneration for similar positions
for men and women, agriculture lies beyond the
reach of national legislation (Lebanon 1996, cited in
Nauphal 1997). A considerable percentage of rural
women work as seasonal daily paid laborers, and
survey results suggest even women with skills receive
half men’s remuneration, particularly in rural areas.
Likewise, while the labor law regulates women’s
maternity leave, such protections do not cover
womenworking in agriculture or family businesses.
Women and youth participate in unions to repre-
sent their interests. Strikes in the private sector
were suppressed by armed forces between 1975
and 1990. Given that young Lebanese workers
associate political parties with militia rule, the
Confederation générale des travailleurs libanais
(CGTL) acts as a political party. The CGTL, with
approximately 77,100 members (1990) advocates
policies on poverty, social inequality, and civil
rights. While women – the majority married and
over 40 years of age – form about half of union
members, their representation in leadership posi-
tions is significantly less (Lebanese Centre for
Policy Studies 1993, al-Nahar 1996, Moghaizel
1987, all cited in Nauphal 1997). During 1992,
Lebanon witnessed the most significant labor
mobilization since 1975, with a nationwide strike
protesting at the collapse of living standards.
Palestinians live and work under military occu-
pation, which means that Palestinians experience