status, age, place of birth, and personal narratives
as refugees and immigrants intersect with experi-
ences of, and strategies to combat, bias and preju-
dice within dominant Canadian society.
Bibliography
S. Alvi, H. Hoodfar, and S. McDonough (eds.), The
Muslim veil in North America. Issues and debates,
Toronto 2003.
H. Hoodfar, The veil in their minds and on our heads. The
persistence of colonial images of Muslim women, in
Resources for Feminist Research/Documentation sur la
recherche féministe22:3/4 (1993), 5–18.
Z. Husaini, Historical background, in S. Zaman, At my
mother’s feet. Stories of Muslim women, Kingston,
Ont. 1999, 13–19.
A. Jamal, Identity, community and the post-colonial
experience of migrancy, in Resources for Feminist
Research/Documentation sur la recherche féministe
23:4 (1994), 35-41.
Z. Kashmeri, The gulf within. Canadian Arabs, racism,
and the Gulf War, Toronto 1991.
P. Kelly, Muslim Canadians. Immigration policy and com-
munity development in the 1991 census, in Islam and
Christian-Muslim relations9:1 (1998), 83–102.
——, Integration and identity in Muslim schools, in
Islam and Christian-Muslim relations10:2 (1999),
197–217.
S. Khan, Aversion and desire. Negotiating female identity
in the diaspora, Toronto 2002.
S. McDonough and S. Alvi, The Canadian Council of
Muslim Women. A chapter in the history of Muslim
women in Canada, in Muslim World 92:1/2 (2002),
79–97.
A. Rashid, The Muslim Canadians. A profile, Ottawa
1985.
S. Zaman, At my mother’s feet. Stories of Muslim women,
Kingston, Ont. 1999.
Patricia L. Kelly SpurlesSouth AsiaStereotypes either depict Muslim women as
exotic, oppressed, and almost totally enslaved by
men in Islam, or as defending the virtues of Islam
and the status and rights accorded to women. Both
these stereotyped approaches must be avoided as
they are apologetic and hardly take into account
contemporary problems in society or women’s
position from a gender perspective within a histor-
ical context. Women’s position is determined more
by sociocultural practices, political interests, and
current realities of each area than by Islamic prin-
ciples, for instance, the global interpretation and
application of personal laws.
The defenders of Islam argue that Islam has
showered women with ample rights and that there-
fore there is no need to launch a campaign or move-
ment to reform Islamic principles. Historically, it is
certainly true that Islam was one of the earliest
south asia 755organized religions to have accorded certain rights
to women. With this in mind, many Muslims refuse
to acknowledge the changes that have taken place
both historically and politically the world over. The
social and political diversity that exists in the
Muslim world is considerable. Consequently, Mus-
lim women are not a homogeneous group with a
single identity. Their ideas, knowledge, and status
vary with culture, class, education, and their access
to power and resources in society. The intersection
of religion with local culture, politics, economics,
gender relations, and gender norms shapes the lives
of women.
Muslim women in South Asia, particularly in
India, suffer from various stereotypes of back-
wardness; their status is attributed to the preva-
lence of purdah, polygamy, divorce, and large
family size. This entry examines first the gaps
between the stereotypes and the reality of Muslim
women’s lives, and second how the stereotypes of
Muslim women are imbibed and promoted by the
general population, the academy, and the media.
The stereotypes and the real situation of women are
guided by the prevailing power relations but often
justified in the name of religion.
In spite of the emphasis on education and earn-
ing a living in Islam, most Indians, including many
Muslims, subscribe to the view that Islam prohibits
women from acquiring education and taking up
employment. The overall educational level and the
representation of Muslims in the organized sector
as a whole, particularly in government, is low, and
that of Muslim women even lower. The proportion
of Muslim women in higher education in India is
only 3.56 percent (Muslim Women’s Survey 2002).
The average work participation rate for Muslim
women is 14 percent lower than that of scheduled
caste women (37 per cent) This stereotypical per-
ception of education and employment of Muslim
women to a large extent overlooks the historical
context of their backwardness and the overall
socioeconomic position of the community, their
minority status, and the political climate of the
country (Hussain 1998) and disregards discrimina-
tion in education, employment, and gender norms.
Personal law is often seen as a symbol of identity
and any discussion of it becomes political. Women
are sacrificed on the altar of Muslim identity on the
pretext of preserving it. At the application level
these laws are influenced by their gendered inter-
pretations and the local culture. For example, a
woman is entitled to an inheritance worth half that
of her brother, but in practice the impact of local
culture and its application indirectly debar her
from inheriting anything. This practice is justified