Women in Cairo and the Delta are much more
visible, vocal, and assertive than women in Upper
Egypt, where it is sometimes still considered appro-
priate to seclude girls when they reach puberty.
Many shaykhs in Upper Egypt have only male dis-
ciples. One woman who frequented a shaykh was
shot by her father for dishonoring the family. She
survived and fled to Cairo, where she was free to
pursue the Sufi life. In Upper Egypt women do not
participate in the dhikrrituals held at mawlids
(saint’s day celebrations), although they visit the
saints’ tombs and sometimes observe the dhikr.
In the Delta and in Cairo, women participate
more visibly in the Sufi orders, including dhikrand
other mawlidactivities. During the “great night” of
the mawlidof A™mad al-Badawìin Tanta, the floor
of the mosque is covered with men, women, and
children, without any gender segregation. Economic
transactions, secular entertainment, and games are
more evident at mawlids in Cairo and the Delta.
Dhikr is held weekly, in both afternoon and
evening, at some saint’s shrines or within certain
Sufi groups. Women are more likely to participate
in the afternoon than at night. Some shrines attract
more women’s participation than others. Not all
shrines are equally holy, and those with less sanctity
(accorded by undefined popular consensus) are
more accessible to women. Women are barred from
the shrines of £usayn and Sayyida Zaynab after
sunset, although they sit outside the gates. In con-
trast, the visitors to the shrine of AbùSu≠ùd are
nearly all women. Women are less likely to rise to
join the dhikrrows in a mosque, although they may
watch in large numbers. Women who participate in
dhikroften remain where they are in a seated posi-
tion, drawing a thin veil over the face to avoid being
watched while in trance. Women are more likely to
participate if dhikrtakes place in the street or in a
square outside the mosque, although men always
outnumber them. If men break into a folk-dance
during dhikr, this is usually tolerated as a sponta-
neous expression of joy, but if a woman does this,
it is usually seen as provocative.
Sufism in Egypt is largely associated with rural
areas and the lower urban classes, although partic-
ipation of well-educated and wealthy urbanites is
not uncommon, as Sufi rituals and festivals, respect
for Sufi shaykhs, and veneration of Sufi saints are
well integrated into Egyptian religious life, often
without being identified as “Sufi.” Women’s partic-
ipation crosses categories of age and social class
and is often connected with their family’s involve-
ment with a particular order, but other women are
led into Sufism through life crises, spiritual im-
egypt 763pulses, or visions that lead them to a particular spir-
itual guide. Certain orders cater specifically to the
middle and upper classes. The Jàzùliyya £usay-
niyya Shàdhiliyya, a mainly middle-class order, em-
ploys popular musical styles rather than traditional
Sufi music, to attract educated youth. Women’s
participation is unusually equal to that of men: they
sit on one side of the shaykh, while men sit on the
other, and everyone performs dhikrin a seated
position.
In Egypt Sufi women do not generally meet
separately from the men. The only order with a sep-
arate section for women is al-Shar≠iyya al-Mu™am-
madiyya, the order of Mu™ammad’s Sharì≠a, a
name that deflects criticism from those who feel
Sufism contradicts the Sharì≠a. The dhikrof these
women, all upper-class, is solemn and dignified,
lacking music, motion, or ecstatic expression.
Upper-class women do not speak loudly or express
emotion in public, although such behaviors are
typical of lower-class women in Cairo.
Women prepare food at mawlids, where Sufis
offer food and drink to passers-by. They may be
hidden from sight or actively involved with the
guests. Some women as well as men devote much of
their life to traveling the circuit of the mawlids to
honor the saints, camp by the shrines, and offer
hospitality.
Women who are leaders in the Sufi orders are
usually called “mother,” not shaykha, just as disci-
ples are the “sons” and “daughters” of a shaykh.
Sufi “mothers” have “sons” as well as “daugh-
ters.” They have recognized spiritual virtues, espe-
cially visions and miraculous knowledge, but a
brother or son is appointed official shaykh of the
order. Although women are generally perceived as
spiritually weaker than men, some women attain
very high spiritual rank.
Some Sufis feel that gender concerns are inap-
propriate among those who have passed beyond
the domain of the flesh. They claim not to be sub-
ject to sexual passions, and freely interact with
Sufis of the opposite sex. One Sufi “mother” lives
with two unrelated “sons.” £àgga Zakiyya ≠Abd
al-Mu††alib Badawì, an older woman, allowed a
young man to rest his head on her lap, calling him
her “daughter,” to indicate transcendence of nor-
mal gender distinctions. On the other hand, some
Sufis feel observance of strict segregation is imper-
ative when outsiders are present, out of respect for
their weakness.Bibliography
A. ≠Abd al-Ràziq, Al-mar±a fìMißr al-Mamlùkiyya, Cairo
1975.