AfghanistanWomen’s organizations in Afghanistan have been
profoundly affected by power struggles surround-
ing government-sponsored modernization proj-
ects expressed through liberal or leftist discourses,
and resistance to such social upheaval expressed
through Islamist discourses, both resulting in coer-
cively undemocratic practices. Women’s organiza-
tions have moved toward and away from state
institutional affiliation according to regime changes
and the changing orientations of leading activists.
The Anjuman-i £imàyat-i Niswàn (Association
for the Protection of Women) was established in
1928 by Siràj al-Banàt and Queen Íurayyàto
encourage women to demand the rights provided
by King Amàn Allàh’s reforms of marriage customs
and restrictive social practices, and advocacy of
women’s education (Moghadam 1993, 218–20).
The Mu±assasa-i Khayriyya-i Zanàn (Women’s
Welfare Association, WWA), established by the
monarchial state in 1946, was founded by Zaynab
≠Inàyat Siràj and BibìJàn, both members of the
royal family. Its members consisted of liberal
upper- and middle-class activists. Although it tried
to encourage unveiling, the emphasis of WWA was
to encourage income-generating activities and to
modernize women by providing literacy, family
planning, and vocational classes. In 1953 it estab-
lished the journal Mirman. In 1975 WWA became
institutionally independent and changed its name
to the Women’s Institute (WI). The WI had branch
offices in ten provincial cities and grew to 8,000
members. Kubra Noorzai, the institute’s director,
was elected to the National Assembly under
President Dàwùd, and the organization began to
promote gender equality through the state’s mod-
ernization policies (Emadi 2002, 91–2, 97, Ellis
2000, 164–6).
The Sàzmàn-i Demokratik-i Zanàn-i Afghanis-
tàn (Women’s Democratic Organization of Afghan-
istan, WDOA) was created by the Parcham faction
of the socialist People’s Democratic Party of
Afghanistan (PDPA). The leading activists of the
WDOA, such as Anahita Ratibzad and Íurayyà,
fought for women’s rights in marriage, education,
and suffrage (Moghadam 1993, 225, Emadi 2002,
95). After the PDPA came to power, WDOA (tem-
porarily renamed Khalq Organization of Afghan
Women’s Unions and National Organizations
Women), led an aggressive, coercive, and unpopu-
lar national literacy and marriage reform campaign
and was staunchly pro-Soviet. In 1987 WDOA,
now claiming almost 95,000 mostly urban mem-
bers, was renamed the Afghan Women’s Council
under the non-PDPA leadership of Masuma Asmati
Wardak, who adopted a less confrontational ap-
proach (Emadi 2002, 107, Moghadam 1993, 228–
36, Dupree 1984).
The Jàm≠iyat-i Inqilàbi-i Zanàn-i Afghanistàn
(Revolutionary Association of Women of Afghan-
istan, RAWA) was founded in 1977 by Meena.
RAWA opposed the repressive tactics of the PDPA
and organized women and girls in factories and
schools to fight against the Soviet invasion through
armed struggle, strikes, demonstrations and distri-
bution of night communiqués (shabnàmas). RAWA’s
goal of women’s equality within a socialist demo-
cratic Islamic republic was framed as inseparable
from their goal of national liberation and overrode
criticisms of the Mujàhdìn in importance (Emadi
2002, 108–11). The Mujàhidìn regime and later the
Taliban caused RAWA to denounce Islamism and
armed struggle and call for a secular state. RAWA
clandestinely provides basic healthcare, education,
and income-generating activities in Afghanistan
and refugee camps in Pakistan and strives to draw
international attention to the situation of Afghan
women (RAWA 2002).
Limited reforms have been hampered by a of lack
public security resulting from the transitional gov-
ernment’s weakness, local unrest, and resistance to
continued American occupation and the deleterious
local rule of former Mujàhidìn leaders. The Afghan
Women’s Network, a coalition of 24 non-govern-
mental organizations founded in 1996, has taken a
conciliatory approach toward the transitional gov-
ernment, framing suggestions to expand women’s
rights in the constitution within an Islamist frame-
work. RAWA is critical, viewing the constitution
as an unacceptable concession to the detriment of
Afghan women (Human Rights Watch 2002, Afghan
Women’s Network, RAWA).BibliographyPrimary Sources
Afghan Women’s Network, <http://www.afghanwomens
network.org/>.
Nationwide Conference of the Women of Afghanistan,