Cultural Geography

(Nora) #1
Dialectical thought arises because it
is less and less possible to ignore the
fact that civilization, in the very act of
realizing some human potentials, also
damagingly suppresses others. (Eagleton,
2000: 23)

CALIFORNIA LIVING

Sunday 12 May 1991 was one of those days that
makes it obvious why everyone wants to live in
California. The sun was shining brightly, mid-
morning temperatures were in the low seventies.
There was a light breeze that rustled the fresh
green of the pear and eucalyptus trees in the back
garden of my parents’ house, where I was stay-
ing for a time. The vibrant flowers and lawns, the
fragrant eucalyptus trees, and the remnant pear
and walnut trees from the orchards that used to
fill the valley between the golden-brown and
oak-studded hills simply signaled the ‘California
dream’ – or at least the suburban version of it.
So out into the sun I went with coffee and the
Sunday San Francisco Examiner and Chronicle,
still then a rather urbane and witty paper with an
excellent book review and good arts and music
coverage.
Before I got to the reviews, I found buried in
the first section of the paper a short article detail-
ing the story of Francisco Bugarin. Bugarin was
a 77-year-old strawberry farmer in the Salinas
Valley, some 100 miles to the south of where I sat.
A few days earlier, Bugarin had pleaded no con-
test to charges of ‘operating an illegal labor camp
and maintaining substandard camp buildings’

(San Francisco Examiner and Chronicle12 May
1991). Some 40 temporary workers were housed
in a variety of outbuildings on Bugarin’s rela-
tively small farm during the strawberry harvest
a few months earlier. They lived in barns and
sheds, sleeping among machinery, tools, and
canisters of pesticides, the very implements they
used to tend the fields during the day.
Such housing for strawberry pickers was hardly
atypical, and in fact was almost luxurious
compared to some that investigators uncovered
in the region: in the nearby Monterey Valley
during the 1980s, strawberry pickers working
for José Ballín were found living in small caves
that farmworkers themselves had dug out of
the surrounding hillsides (Wells, 1996: 210–14).
On another farm, the Monterey County Health
Department in 1985 found:

50 to 60 farmworkers living in storage sheds, pick-
ups, campers, makeshift cardboard and tin shacks, out-
houses and truck bodies; no adequate or approved toilet
facilities; no potable water from an approved water
system; all food preparation areas were substandard; an
accumulation of garbage, trash and refuse scattered
throughout the complex ... sleeping and living areas
did not conform with the Uniform Housing Code,
California Health and Safety Code and California
Administrative Code; human waste was present inside
and outside of the various living areas; pesticides,
fertilizers and poison baits were stored within the living,
sleeping, and cooking areas; open pesticide containers
and spilled poison baits were within the living, cooking
and sleeping areas; occupants ate their meals while
sitting on and around pesticide containers; and hazardous
materials, including pesticides were stored on the
premises and not registered with the Monterey Country
Health Department.^1

11


Dead Labor and the Political Economy


of Landscape – California Living, California Dying


Don Mitchell

3029-ch11.qxd 03-10-02 10:51 AM Page 233

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