9 Finkelstein et al. (1998) argue that the changing
composition of new, full-time faculty, hired between
1988 and 1992, containing more women, minorities
and foreign-born, is leading to a significant change in
academia – even though many of the minority faculty
are ‘ghettoized’ by discipline. The authors show that
racial/minority representation in the American profes-
soriate rose from about 6–7 per cent (1970s) to about
10 per cent (1987). In the cohort of new entrants
(1988–92) they represent 17 per cent (Asian/Pacific
islander 2.2; Black/not Hispanic 5.7; Hispanic 3.1;
American Indian/Alaskan native, 0.5). The figures for
the first three of these categories in the humanities are
6.0, 4.3, 4.5; in the social sciences, 4.3, 6.8, 3.4 (1998:
29, 125). Said points out that ‘few European or
American universities devoted curricular attention to
African literature in the early 1960s’ (1993: 288).
10 ‘The early exponents of postcolonial criticism
focused on a critique of literary and historical writ-
ings and... were located in the humanities of the
Western academy. Subsequently, the objects of the
deconstructive postcolonial critique expanded to
include film, video, television, photography, painting,
all examples of cultural praxis that are portable,
mobile, and circulating in the West... Why did it not
address, in any significant way, the impact of imperial-
ism on the design and spatial disciplines of architec-
ture, planning and urban issues more generally,
whether in the colony or, indeed, in the metropole?...
not only because they are different disciplines (and dif-
ficult to handle) but because the cultural products on
which imperial discourses are inscribed – the spaces of
cities, landscapes, buildings – unlike literary texts,
films, and photography, are, for these postcolonial crit-
ics and their Western audiences, not only absent and
distant, they are also not mobile. Critics have to take
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