Cultural Geography

(Nora) #1
universal truths can be discovered, and that
Eurocentric knowledges have revealed at least
some of them, means the idea of knowledge itself
is often not problematized in academic discourse.
This renders invisible processes that construct
knowledge, and many of their consequences.
Eurocentric knowledges, boundaries and rela-
tionships are conventionally treated in the
academy as the only possible knowledges and as
universally relevant.
The assumption of Eurocentric knowledges’
universal relevance parallels the political
processes of imperialism and displacement.
Other knowledges are rendered silent. They are
ignored, devalued and/or undermined so that
Eurocentric knowledges see only themselves,
becoming self-legitimating rather than self-
aware. D. Rose eloquently describes the circular
argument formed by these assumptions as an all-
knowing self, centring itself in a hall of mirrors:

The self sets itself within a hall of mirrors; it mistakes
its reflection for the world, sees its own reflections end-
lessly, talks endlessly to itself, and, not surprisingly,
finds continual verification of itself and its world view.
This is monologue masquerading as conversation,
masturbation posing as productive interaction; it is a
narcissism so profound that it purports to provide a
universal knowledge when in fact its violent erasures
are universalizing its own singular and powerful isola-
tion. It promotes a nihilism that stifles the knowledge
of connection, disabling dialogue, and maiming the
possibilities whereby ‘self’ might be captured by
‘other’. (1999: 177)

Irigaray (1985a) also draws on metaphorical
mirrors. She discusses how the male imaginary
duplicates and reflects itself to ensure ‘coher-
ence’ and legitimacy. Cultural geographer
G. Rose expands further upon this in her
‘dialogue’ with Irigaray:

And the mirrors are frozen ... Solidified in their repeti-
tive reflection of the same, a solidity of morphological
tumescence and of death. And mirrors can be walls.
They cluster together, overlap, build a ‘palace of mir-
rors’ (Irigaray, 1985b: 137), provide ‘solid walls of
principle’ (Irigaray, 1985a: 106). They give form, they
turn ideas into structures, edifices, they produce ‘the
absolute power of form’ (Irigaray, 1985a: 110), the
solidity of concepts, boundaries and order (Irigaray,
1985a: 107). (1996: 67)

We seek to engage cultural landscapes on the
other side of the mirrors constructed by
Eurocentric knowledges. We aim to open readers
to possibilities unthought of, and spaces inacces-
sible from within, the hall of mirrors. Blunt and
Rose (1994: 15–16) identify two strategies used
to open up spaces of resistance. One strategy

draws on ‘imagined geographies’ as an
‘imaginative resource’ to challenge colonization.
The other engages with the inherent limits of
Eurocentric knowledge itself. Nader identifies
three research directions that challenge notions
of western rationality as the benchmark for all
other cultural knowledge: describing knowledges
in traditional societies; ethnographic studies of
the socio-cultural context of western science; and
linking studies of science with studies of other
knowledges to encourage ‘mutual interrogation’
(1996: 6).
In this chapter, the self-defining limits of
the circular argument which characterizes
Eurocentric knowledges are exposed by decon-
structing key concepts in cultural geography and
investigating how Eurocentric knowledges
become colonizing knowledges. Concurrently,
situated knowledges and practices, diverse
systems of local knowledge and social organiza-
tion arising from cultures being-in-place, are
drawn on to challenge and unsettle the position of
Eurocentric knowledges within the hall of
mirrors. This is done not to romanticize other
knowledges but to challenge, unsettle and recon-
figure the knowledge–power nexus constructed in
cultural geography, and elsewhere in the academy.

GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGES
IN THE HALL OF MIRRORS

Academic knowledges positioned within this
metaphorical hall of mirrors play vital roles in
making invisible, writing over and blocking out
other knowledge systems. For example, it is no
coincidence that many of the words associated
with research are drawn from and embedded in
colonizing discourses: re-searching, exploring,
collecting, journeying, examining, investigating,
travelling, discovering. Clifford identifies colo-
nizing legacies in his examination of how anthro-
pology problematizes the concept of fieldwork –
a concept similarly cherished by geographers:

Fieldwork has become a problem because of its
positivist and colonialist associations (the field as
‘laboratory’, the field as place of ‘discovery’) ... they
[anthropologists and ethnographers, and we might add
geographers] have navigated in the dominant society,
often enjoying white skin privilege and a physical
safety in the field guaranteed by a history of prior puni-
tive expeditions and policing. (1997: 194, 196)

Geographical research is certainly not immune
from these colonizing legacies, contexts and
practices. However, geographers are turning

558 SPACES OF KNOWLEDGE

3029-ch31.qxd 03-10-02 11:10 AM Page 558

Free download pdf