best tolerated, since their mistakes threaten to ‘infect’ the purity of Angola. So, whereas Angola is
considered the mother of Regional, Regional has become a kind of devil for many angoleiros, especially for
weaker students who dislike ‘aggressive’ games or fear Regional ‘violence’. The Angola mestres invited to
Regional events, on the contrary, rather tend to see every practitioner there as a potential recruit for their style.
This reflects the shifting power relations between both styles: whereas up to the 1970s many angoleiros
changed to Regional, since the 1980s mainly the opposite seems to occur. After observing many angoleiros
from Bahia play, ‘Regional’ mestres and teachers such as Marrom from Senzala in Rio de Janeiro, Deraldo
in Boston and China in Barcelona have decided to become angoleiros.
There is also a marked contrast between style, political stance and individual affinities. Conflicts over
questions of style, the regulation of the profession or the links with the state do not neatly divide angoleiros
and ‘regionalists’. On the contrary, long friendships unite mestres from different styles who profess respect
for each other, whereas conflicts divide Angola and Regional federations (ABCA and CBC). At the level of
students, though, one can often see a broad antipathy for ‘Regional’ or specific styles considered ‘violent’
or ‘inefficient’. This reflects the different experience of teachers and students: angoleiro mestres like to be
invited to Regional events, whereas angoleiro students, especially beginners, fear to play in a Regional roda,
because of ‘aggression’ or ‘violence’. Regional mestres often appreciate an Angola game, whereas many
weaker mainstream practitioners do not always like to play in an angoleira roda because of the number of
rules with which they have to comply (and which they often do not know).
In fact a certain commonality of views prevails among the traditionalists—or purists—from both Angola
and Regional. Both agree that the rapid growth of capoeira (‘capoeira inchou!’) resulted in loss of tradition,
the autograduation of mestres, the lack of preparation and experience. From here a common agenda of
action against creeping comercialization or the tackling of other problems affecting the art seems possible.
It is therefore difficult to establish clear-cut categories for contemporary styles, and easier to appreciate
substyles of specific groups. Over the last years some key references have emerged, based on the most
prestigious groups such as Abadá, Cordão de Ouro, FICA, GCAP and Senzala. Groups consciously support
or even build up these identifications. Some practitioners, for instance, might even say they practise
‘Abadá’, or capoeira-Abadá instead of capoeira. The style of each group differs according to a wide range
of criteria, from formal aspects to cultural meanings. For reasons of space I can only indicate some
elementary criteria, which might help beginners to find their way through contemporary capoeira groups
and events.
Formal differences start with capoeira uniforms. Regional and most mainstream groups train and play
barefoot and use white clothes and belts, whereas angoleiros always train with shoes. As we have seen in
Chapter 4, all these dress codes refer to different aspects of earlier capoeira practice, and thus they can all
claim to be derived from tradition. Some groups train without T-shirts, as this supposedly conveys an even
stronger association with slaves’ bodies. However no absolute consistency exists within each style.
Angoleiros, even Pastinha’s followers for instance, use alternatively yellow and black or white only
uniforms—both linking to different traditions.
The contrast between the low game and the high game remains a key formal aspect that differentiates
groups. Does a group train mainly in upright kicks or also insist students learn how to evolve closely to the
ground and use these skills in the roda? How ‘antagonistic’ or playful are games? Is full contact and
grabbing allowed or even encouraged or are students expected to rather use rasteiras and other resources?
The didactics used for teaching are equally important to assess a group’s style. Training Bimba’s
sequences, for instance, is still considered a hallmark of Regional, even though every contemporary
capoeira group trains some kind of choreographed movements to prepare students for the roda. Some
groups insist on long warm ups based on contemporary gymnastics, and only then have students rehearse
CONTEMPORARY CAPOEIRA 201