93 Abreu, Os capoeiras, p. 8.
94 Abreu, O Império do Divino, pp. 53, 102.
95 Abreu, Os capoeiras, p. 9.
96 Mello Moraes Filho, Festas, pp. 262–3.
97 Mello Moraes Filho rather suggests the opposite, namely that ‘he did not receive influence from the local
capoeiragem nor from other parishes, making a life of his own, and being a capoeira on his own risk and
account’, idem, p. 263. See also N.Capoeira, ‘Manduca da Praia, violencia, poder, dinheiro e valentia’, Revista
Capoeira, Vol. I, No. 3, p. 50.
98 Soares, A negregada instituição, p. 176–7.
99 Mello Moraes, idem. Later Manduca went to Lisbon and had another battle with Sant’ana. See Bretas, ‘A queda
do império’, p. 245.
100 Until 1881 Brazilian MPs were elected in two turns: first voters elected a selected number of ‘eleitores’, which then
proceeded to elect the MPs.
101 My account summarizes the research by Soares, A negregada instituição, pp. 197–202.
102 Soares, A negregada instituição, pp. 217–221.
103 On the Black Guard, see M.R.Trochim, ‘The Brazilian Black Guard. Racial Conflict in Post-Abolition Brazil’,
The Americas, Vol. 44, No. 3 (1988), pp. 285–300.
104 All figures from Bretas, ‘A queda do império’, pp. 249–52. See also Soares, A negregada instituição,
pp. 290–301; A.L.C.S.Pires, ‘Escritos sobre a cultura afro-brasileira. A formaçãZo hisóorica da capoeira
contemporanea, 1890–1950’ (PhD Thesis, Campinas: UNICAMP, 2001), p. 22ff.
105 This was not an absolute rule, some Republicans having established links with capoeiras. The most prominent
case is that of Lopes Trovão who enjoyed protection by a capoeira, but was unable to save him from the
Republican purge. See Dias, Quem tem medo, p. 130.
106 Decret 847, 11 October 1890, quoted in C.Barbieri, Um jeito brasileiro de aprender a ser (Brasília: DEFER,
1993), pp. 117–18.
107 These records do only include the suburbs of Rio; those of the central parishes were not available. A. L.C.Simões
Pires, ‘A Capoeira no jogo das cores: criminalidade, cultura e racismo na cidade do Rio de Janeiro (1890–1937)’
(MA Thesis, Campinas, UNICAMP, 1996), pp. 102–4.
108 Dias, Quem tem medo, p. 146.
109 J.Moura, ‘Evolução, apogeu e declínio da capoeiragem no Rio de Janeiro’, Cadernos Rioarte, Vol. I, No. 3 (1985),
p. 93 asserts that capoeira also survived in Catumbi, Rio Cumprido and São Cristovão.
110 J.Efegê, Figuras e coisas do carnaval carioca (Rio de Janeiro: FUNARTE, 1982), pp. 209–10.
111 C.Meireles, Batuque, samba e macumba. Estudos de gesto e ritmo, 1926–1934 (Rio de Janeiro: Funarte, 1983),
p. 52. See further accounts in M.A.Borges Salvadori, ‘Capoeiras e malandros: pedaços de uma sonora tradição
popular (1890–1950) (MA thesis, Campinas, UNICAMP, 1990).
4
Workers, vagrants and tough guys in Bahia, c. 1860–19501 For more details on colonial sugar plantations, see S.B.Schwartz, Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian
Society, Bahia, 1550–1835 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985).
2 The best account of the Recôncavo agriculture during the early nineteenth century is provided by B.
J.Barickman, A Bahian Counterpoint. Sugar, Tobacco, Cassava, and Slavery in the Recôncavo, 1780– 1860
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998).
3 F.Wimberley, ‘The Expansion of Afro-Bahian Religious Practices in Nineteenth Century Cachoeira’, in H.Kraay
(ed.), Afro-Brazilian Culture and Politics. Bahia, 1790s to 1990s (Armonk: M.E.Sharpe, 1998), p. 86; K.Butler,
Freedoms Given, Freedoms Won: Afro-Brazilians in Post-Abolition São Paulo and Salvador (New Brunswick:
Rutgers University Press, 1998), pp. 195–6.NOTES 229