archaeology in the nineteenth century provided in this volume is based on the
premise thatallarchaeological traditions were originally nationalistic, either
operating in the context of nationalism by itself, or of this in combination
with imperialism and colonialism. This book proceeds from the conviction
that, as Said put it:
No one has ever devised a method for detaching the scholar from the circumstances of
life... there is such a thing as knowledge that is less... partial than the individual...
who produces it. Yet, this knowledge is not therefore automatically nonpolitical.
(Said 1978: 10).Part I sets the scene. ItWrst explains what type of antiquities were appreciated
in the early modern era—mainly monumental antiquities, especially those
from the Roman, Greek, and Egyptian civilizations—and why. Secondly, it
assesses whether the birth of nationalism as a political ideology in the late
eighteenth century had any impact on archaeology, a question that receives a
positive reply. Finally, it observes the eVect that the newly created discourse of
the past had when countries with ancient monumental remains claimed their
right to independence. By the end of the eighteenth and early years of the
nineteenth century the learned strata in society, to which those interested in
the past belonged, already shared a strong perception of the past as a source of
prestige, as a symbolic capital. The revolutions at the turn of the nineteenth
century and their aftermath impelled learned individuals to turn to antiquity
for some indication that could shed light on the new circumstances. Some
authors have pointed out that nationalism functions in very similar ways to
religious ideology (Eriksen 1993: 107–8; Gellner 1983: 56). Although during
the nineteenth century a replacement of religion by nationalism was only
consciously attempted during the French Revolution, the parallelism between
both ideologies generally holds true. Nevertheless, it seems apparent that the
strength nationalism acquired during that time was connected to the decreas-
ing importance of religion as a cultural system (Anderson 1991: 12). As with
religion, nationalism provides people with identity, with a sense of belonging.
According to nationalist tenets, individuals see themselves, and others per-
ceive them, as forming part of certain nations and not others. As members of
a nation they are expected actively to engage in a way similar, in the opinion of
the authors mentioned, to that of religion. Loyalty from their members and
cooperation is also needed by the nation.
Nationalism started in Europe. Its emergence is linked to the advent of the
modern state, a process which began during the late medieval period and the
Renaissance. At that time the power of the Church was curtailed by the civil
authorities, atWrst by the monarchy. Novel technologies such as the printing
press required the standardization of grammar and vocabulary, thereby
An Alternative Account 11