The Sociology of Philosophies

(Wang) #1
households who could not afford to marry; after the Humboldtian university
revolution, professors were middle-class specialists segregated in alliance networks
by their careers.


  1. For instance, in his Introduction to Wittgenstein’s Tractatus, (1922: xxii) Russell
    comments: “As one with long experience of the difficulties of logic and of the
    deceptiveness of theories which seem irrefutable, I find myself unable to be sure of
    the rightness of a theory, merely on the ground that I cannot see any point on
    which it is wrong.”

  2. The doctrine of Stevenson (Quine’s pupil) that ethical statements are emotional
    expressions (1944) had a similar effect in the United States.

  3. Mauthner, who explored the philosophy of language during Wittgenstein’s youth
    in Vienna, is sometimes regarded as an early influence or predecessor. Nevertheless,
    Mauthner’s “critique of language” did not set the pathway Wittgenstein followed
    from mathematical logic into a theory of propositions. The case of Mauthner
    shows that the philosophical resonances of language were noticed from time to
    time—as is to be expected in the increasing consciousness of symbol systems in
    fields ranging from Neo-Kantianism to Freud. The movement to turn all of phi-
    losophy into the study of ordinary language was a more specific and militant move
    within the philosophical discipline, and that is where its structural causes are found.

  4. Wittgenstein was merely an undergraduate at Cambridge during his period of
    discipleship with Russell, never took a formal degree, although he was given a
    Ph.D. pro forma upon returning in 1929. Russell and Moore also had enough
    independent wealth (and, especially in the case of Russell, social eminence) to
    dedicate themselves to their intellectual interests, even during periods without
    academic support. Wittgenstein made ostentatious gestures of despising material
    wealth, for instance, keeping no furniture in his college rooms during the 1930s,
    so that his pupils had to bring their own chairs. It was the kind of sacrifice of
    wealth for status of which the satiated rich are capable; in a more conventional
    version, Wittgenstein cultivated entrée with the artistic elite upon his return to
    Vienna in 1914 by donating a large amount of money to them (Monk, 1990: 109).
    Something of the same self-confident eliteness was expressed in Russell’s insouciant
    style. At the age of 27 he could treat the famous mathematician Poincaré in debate
    as follows: “M. Poincaré requests a definition... Perhaps he will be shocked if I
    tell him that one is not entitled to make such a request since everything that is
    fundamental is necessarily indefinable... Since mathematicians almost invariably
    ignore the role of definitions, and since M. Poincaré appears to share their disdain,
    I will allow myself a few remarks on this topic” (Coffa, 1991: 130). Russell’s
    polemical style was a form of mocking, often with an undertone of class conscious-
    ness, as when he derided the Idealist conception of sensory experience as parts of
    a whole by imagining the professor calling his college servant to testify what the
    “plain man” thinks: “Well, sir, greenness is to me the name of a complex fact, the
    factors of which essentially and reciprocally determine one another. And if you,
    sir, choose to select one factor out of the complex, and to call it greenness, I will
    not dispute about the term, for I know my place, sir” (Coffa, 1991: 96).

  5. The organizational setting too played a role. Göttingen had been the main center


1018 •^ Notes to Pages 734–738

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