The Sociology of Philosophies

(Wang) #1

  1. The term is Pierre Bourdieu’s ([1979] 1984; Bourdieu and Passeron, [1970] 1977).
    There are some similarities between my approach and Bourdieu’s. Both of our
    works derive from empirical studies of education’s effects on stratification and of
    the inflationary market for educational credentials. In early work (Collins, 1971)
    I used the term status group culture for what I now call cultural capital. I disagree
    with Bourdieu’s principle that the intellectual field is homologous to the social space
    of non-intellectuals, however; the dynamics of struggle over the intellectual space
    is shaped in a distinctive way by the law of small numbers; and the cultural capital
    specific to the forefront of intellectual competition is not the cultural capital of
    educated persons generally, and it is not directly transposable with economic
    capital, in either direction.

  2. The short-term, disruptive emotions are best explained as departures from a
    baseline of emotional energy, and thus are affected by the EE trajectory at any
    particular time. A full theory of emotions must include both levels. See Collins
    (1990); and on the sociology of emotions more generally, Kemper (1990); Scheff
    (1990).

  3. A writing style is the precipitate of a particular kind of emotional energy flow. A
    crabbed and involuted style, full of false starts and shaky transitions, comes from
    a weak and hesitant EE flow. The writer who hides the speaker’s voice behind an
    unbroken wall of abstractions and technicalities is clinging to his or her identity
    inside the community of intellectual specialists, not at its creative core but near
    enough the outer boundary to be concerned mainly with marking oneself off from
    the lay world of non-specialists outside. The distinctive styles of successful intel-
    lectuals, too, are tracks of their dominant EE flows. The sonorous periods of
    Gibbon bespeak his membership in a world where leading writers could be parlia-
    mentary orators, and belonged to an aristocracy of pomp and circumstance. The
    social sources of Russell’s and Wittgenstein’s ultra-confident styles are analyzed in
    Chapter 13.

  4. In Sung China, there are the Ch’eng brothers, studying and discussing together
    from an early age, then spearheading the Neo-Confucian movement. In France of
    the late 1920s, there was the student circle of future literary and philosophical
    eminences Jean-Paul Sartre, Paul Nizan, Raymond Aron, Simone de Beauvoir, and
    Maurice Merleau-Ponty (Cohen-Solal, 1987: 74–75). In London of the early 1850s,
    a youthful group of friends comprised Herbert Spencer, T. H. Huxley, Mary Ann
    Evans (George Eliot), John Tyndall, and G. H. Lewes, their important creativity
    still in the future. There was the youthful friendship of Marx and Heine, or for
    that matter Marx and Engels. Centuries earlier we find the schoolmates Descartes
    and Mersenne. This structure seems to burst forth across various fields of creativity,
    again suggesting that what is being circulated is not so much cultural capital as
    emotional energy. We could add the friendship of future novelist F. Scott Fitzgerald,
    critic Edmund Wilson, and poet John Peale Bishop during their student days at
    Princeton University (Mizener, 1959: 36–55); or the youthful Bloomsbury circle
    which nurtured the incipient creativity across a range of literary, artistic, and
    scholarly fields that became famed as the work of Virginia Woolf, Lytton Strachey,
    John Maynard Keynes, and others (Bell, 1972).


948 •^ Notes to Pages 29–37

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