The Washington Post - USA (2022-03-02)

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WEDNESDAY, MARCH 2 , 2022. THE WASHINGTON POST EZ RE A


russia invades ukraine

BY KAROUN DEMIRJIAN

Russia, careening toward eco-
nomic crisis under the weight of
devastating Western sanctions,
has put its nuclear forces on alert
as the Kremlin’s siege of Ukraine
intensifies.
The United States and its
NATO partners have sent thou-
sands of troops and advanced
weaponry to harden defenses in
the alliance’s eastern flank while
funneling billions of dollars’
worth of military hardware to
Kyiv — moves met by the Krem-
lin with threats of “consequenc-
es.”
There is no deconfliction line
— nor, according to U.S. officials,
does Moscow seem interested in
one.
The rapid escalation, observ-
ers say, has made the once-theo-
retical risk of direct confronta-
tion between Russia and the
West a tangible possibility with
little hope of the tension subsid-
ing, maybe for years to come.
“My worry is that there’s a
miscalculation, a misunder-
standing, an accident, a mistake”
that touches off more wide-
spread conflict, said Jim
Townsend, who managed Europe
and NATO policy at the Pentagon
during the Obama administra-
tion.
“How long could we have this
kind of risk? ... I don’t see it
ending.”
Russia’s advance through
Ukraine has brought the Krem-
lin’s forces closer to NATO’s bor-
ders. Should those troops remain
in Ukraine and Belarus, the “con-
tact line” would shift “signifi-
cantly west,” said Sam Charap, a
Russia expert with Rand Corp.
“A nd that changes the strategic
landscape.”
“Poland has relied on Belarus
to serve the function of a buffer,”
he added. “If that’s no longer
there, that’s just a totally differ-
ent ballgame.”
Russia’s moves compelled
Western officials last week to
activate the NATO Response
Force and its Very High Readi-
ness Joint Defense Force for the
first time in the alliance’s history.
The mobilization, NATO Secre-


tary General Jens Stoltenberg
said, is meant to deter a Russian
attack and prevent the war in
Ukraine from spilling over into
any NATO-allied country.
President Biden has ruled out
putting U.S. troops in Ukraine,
but he has authorized the de-
ployment of an additional 14,
military personnel along with
elite F-35 fighters and Apache
attack helicopters to allied coun-
tries in the Baltics and Eastern
Europe, a sign of how seriously
the United States hopes to ward
off the Russian threat.
Gestures and statements such
as Stoltenberg’s and Biden’s are
designed to dissuade Russian
President Vladimir Putin from
intentionally challenging the al-
liance’s resolve, but some won-
der whether the message is get-
ting through.
Alina Polyakova, president
and CEO of the Center for Euro-
pean Policy Analysis, said the
Russian leader may be “ready
and willing” to test the alliance’s
commitment to its collective de-

fense. She pointed out that
NATO’s 40,000-member re-
sponse force “pales in compari-
son to Russia’s military capabili-
ties” in the region; the Kremlin
has about 150,0 00 troops in and
around Ukraine.

Russian forces have a history
of playing dangerous games in
NATO border areas. Recently,

Russian fighter jets have con-
ducted low or near-pass flights
over U.S. ships in the Black Sea
and U.S. surveillance aircraft fly-
ing over the Mediterranean. The
potential for such maneuvers to
result in a collision or confronta-
tion — and for that incident to
spiral into a greater fight —
grows exponentially greater
amid an active war.
Ukraine’s land borders with
four NATO countries — Poland,
Slovakia, Hungary and Romania
— have also emerged as potential
hot spots. Observers are particu-
larly concerned about the poten-
tial for humanitarian calamities
as more than 500,000 refugees
use those routes to flee the
country.
Absent a peace deal, few ex-
pect that Ukrainians will lay
down their arms even if Russia
assumes formal control of their
country. The resulting insurgen-
cy would make the business of
occupation “rough” for Russia,
Townsend said, noting that Rus-
sian soldiers patrolling the coun-

try’s borders will be operating
“on a knife’s edge ... because
they’re expecting a Ukrainian
insurgent behind every tree.”
But it would take a “really
serious incident” to touch off a
wider war, said Anthony Cordes-
man, a national security analyst
with the Center for Strategic and
International Studies, who said
the casualty count would need to
be so high or seem so deliberate
that NATO could not dismiss it a s
a mistake.
Ukraine and its border territo-
ries are also not the only places
that could precipitate the sort of
direct conflict with Russia that
the United States wants to avoid.
The intensity of the Russian
onslaught in Ukraine has
prompted Finland and Sweden,
which share borders with Russia
in the Arctic Circle and have long
adopted a neutral posture, to
publicly contemplate joining
NATO — a move that Russia
warned last week would precipi-
tate “military consequences.”
And the Baltic states of Esto-
nia, Latvia and Lithuania exist in
a constant state of geographical
vulnerability to assault, due to
shared and often snarled borders
with Russia and Belarus. Certain
roads crossing Estonia dip in a nd
out of snippets of Russian terri-
tory; the Baltics as a whole,
meanwhile, could effectively be
cut off from the rest of Europe
via the Suwalki Corridor, a 65-
mile stretch of Lithuanian-Polish
border that lies between Belarus
and the tiny Russian enclave of
Kaliningrad, on the Baltic Sea.
All NATO members, mean-
while, remain potentially vulner-
able to cyberattacks, which Rus-
sia has proved in recent years to
be adept at manipulating to its
advantage. The NATO secretary
general has said cyberattacks
could trigger the alliance’s col-
lective defense pact, but it re-
mains unclear what type or mag-
nitude of assault it would take to
warrant such a response.
How likely Russia is to pick
battles along new fronts may
depend on how long Ukraine can
keep up its resistance. The more
Russia is worn out from the fight
there, experts say, it becomes less

likely Putin will want to pursue
other ambitions where the long-
term risk of failure is far greater.
The moment of truth will
come if and when a NATO mem-
ber decides to call upon its allies
to help battle back any direct
Russian aggression. The collec-
tive defense pact has been in-
voked only once in NATO’s his-
tory, in the aftermath of the 9/
attacks on the United States. It is
untested when it comes to a war
in Europe.
“The credibility of the alliance
is on the line,” Townsend said. “If
our credibility is found wanting,
if NATO proves that it’s not quite
able to do the things that we’ve
talked about being able to do,
then that is a win for Putin.”
Yet even if the 30 NATO mem-
ber nations are able to maintain
the unity that they have found in
recent weeks to stave off further
Russian aggression, it is almost
impossible to avoid some spill-
over effects from the Ukrainian
experience thus far, observers
say.
While officials are not seeing
Russia’s recent nuclear threats as
cause for panic, nobody knows
what kind of backlash the free-
falling ruble could create in a
nation of 144 million people,
most of whom receive their in-
formation through pro-Kremlin
media. There are also global
implications for financial mar-
kets that are often an after-
thought in national security dis-
cussions, such as the agricultural
sector, where Ukraine and Rus-
sia together produce over a quar-
ter of the world’s wheat supply.
“No matter what happens
now, there’s going to be some
forms of spillover, whether ...
general instability arising from
refugee flows or broader global
implications because of
Ukraine’s key role in some of
these export markets,” said
Polyakova, with the Center for
European Policy Analysis, pre-
dicting there will be “more con-
flicts that the United States and
Europe have to manage.”
“That’s the reality we’re look-
ing at already,” she added, “re-
gardless of what exactly the out-
come in Ukraine is going to be.”

Crisis fuels fear of confrontation between Moscow, West


OMAR MARQUES/GETTY IMAGES
A U.S. Army soldier with the 82nd Airborne Division prepares a rucksack Feb. 23 at an operating base
at Arlamow Airport near Wola Korzeniecka, Poland, close to the Ukrainian border.

“The credibility

of the alliance is on

the line. If our

credibility is found

wanting ... t hen

that is a win for

Putin.”
Jim Townsend, former NATO
policy manager at the Pentagon

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