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the Overfishing Convention agreed in London
in 1946, and the International Whaling
Commission established in Washington in- Neither these, nor their successors,
 achieved the sustained exploitation of any sig-
 nificant open-water stock of fish or marine
 mammals. The boom–crash cycle of sealing
 in the nineteenth century, and of the herring
 fishery in the North Sea, ocean whaling and
 Atlantic cod fishing in the twentieth century,
 provide ample evidence of both the desirability
 of conservation and the political and economic
 difficulty of making conservation strategies
 work (Cushing, 1988).
 The language of fisheries science suggests
 the considerable influence of economics:
 stocks were renewed or depleted, and calcula-
 tions included estimates of catch per unit
 effort. In turn, economics reflected evolving
 understanding of the dynamics of resources,
 particularly in the distinction between
 renewable (flow) and non-renewable (stock)
 resources (Ciriacy-Wantrup, 1952). Such
 ideas have been widely applied; for example,
 in soil erosion andforestry. The US Dust
 Bowl stimulated concern about the manage-
 ment of soil resources in a way that could
 sustain production around the world; for
 example, in tropical Africa, where it provided
 the legitimization for widespread and unpopu-
 lar compulsory terracing (Beinart and Coates,
 1995). The concept of sustained yield forestry
 is long established, although its application to
 old-growth temperate forests (where ‘tree
 farming’ is regarded as environmentally highly
 destructive), and the failure to apply its prin-
 ciples to tropicalregionsforests remain highly
 controversial.
 At the end of the nineteenth century, the
 extinction of species such as the quagga (a
 barely striped plains zebra from the African
 Cape) and the North American passenger
 pigeon, and the near-extinction of others such
 as the American bison, became the rallying
 points for a species conservation movement
 in the USA, Europe and the colonial world
 (Sheail, 1976; Adams, 2004). This movement
 drew in particular onzoos(notably the New
 York Zoological Society, founded in 1895),
 and on the support of hunters turned conser-
 vationists; for example, in the Society for the
 Preservation of the Wild Fauna of the Empire
 (founded in London in 1903). It campaigned
 for the establishment of game reserves, nature
 reserves and eventually national parks,
 and on the establishment of national legisla-
 tion for protected species (e.g. designating
 closed hunting seasons and protected species),
and for international treaties for conserv-
ation; for example, the 1918 Anglo-American
Convention for the Protection of Migratory
Birds and the 1973 Convention on Trade in
Endangered Species (CITES).
Wildlife conservation expanded rapidly after
the Second World War, with the establishment
of organizations such as the Conservation
Foundation (1948) and the Nature
Conservancy (1951) in the USA, and the
IUCN – the World Conservation Union
(1956) – and the Worldwide Fund for Nature
(1961). The membership, capacity and num-
ber of conservation organizations grew with
the widerenvironmental movement, devel-
oping from a series of small patrician interest
groups in a few industrialized countries into a
global movement.
By the 1990s, the power and sophistication
of conservation had grown, with the establish-
ment of new and strongly corporate organiza-
tions, such as Conservation International
(Brosius, 1999). The development of conser-
vation biology as a science lent growing confi-
dence to conservation planning; for example,
in the definition ofbiodiversity‘hotspots’
and protected area selection. The social
impacts of conservation came under increas-
ingly close scrutiny (Brechin, Wilhusen,
Fortwangler and West, 2003; Neumann,
2004a). However, the erosion of living diversity
through the operation of globalcapitalismand
patterns ofconsumptioncontinued unchecked
(Jenkins, 2003). The factors that created con-
servation in the nineteenth century remain
strong. wmaconsumption Conventionally, the act of
purchasing and usingcommodities, although
some commentators insist that the term
should also refer to their transformation,
resale and exchange (Gregson and Crewe,
2003). Althougheconomic geographyhas
traditionally focused on spaces ofproduc-
tion, there has been a significant rise of interest
in consumption since the 1980s, accompanied
by increased dialogue between economic and
social geography. One reason for this is the
putative shift to apost-industrial society,
where retailing,leisureandtourismare
widely identified as major engines of growth
(in thewest, at least). Another is the theorized
importance of consumerism as a locus for
identity: in the consumer society, what we
buy has seemingly become more important in
defining our sense of self than what we pro-
duce. Finally, the rise of interest in consump-
tion appears to be related to important trendsGregory / The Dictionary of Human Geography 9781405132879_4_C Final Proof page 108 31.3.2009 9:45pmCONSUMPTION