groups are mentioned by Alfred Métraux, who was the most
important specialist in their religious systems (Métraux,
1949). Among these groups, the creator often has the charac-
teristics of a transformer, and as a rule he is also the lawgiver
and teacher of early mankind. After he fulfills these tasks, he
journeys westward to the end of the world, where he rules
over the shades of the dead.
Among the ancient Tupinamba of the Atlantic coast
and the Guarayo of eastern Bolivia, traces were found of a
cult devoted to the creator, Tamoi. In Métraux’s opinion,
the various culture heroes, including Monan and Maira-
monan) were derived from a single mythical figure—the
tribal grandfather, Tamoi. The occurrence of an eclipse of
the sun or the moon is a signal that according to the beliefs
of the Tupinamba relates directly to the end of the world,
and the men must sing a hymn to Tamoi. These eschatologi-
cal beliefs are characteristic of the Tupi-Guaraní and may be
connected to the messianic movements of the Tupinamba
at the beginning of the Portuguese colonization period. Such
movements frequently led to mass migrations in search of the
mythological land of Tamoi, a region perceived as a paradise
where the inhabitants share immortality and eternal youth.
A similar cult devoted to the worship of the great ancestor
among the Guarayo was coupled with messianic movements
at the beginning of the nineteenth century. In this case,
Tamoi was considered the ruler of the celestial western king-
dom of the dead as well as the dominant figure at burial rites
and in beliefs about the afterlife.
The most revered god of the Guaraní-Apapocuvá ac-
cording to Curt Nimuendajú, the outstanding authority on
this tribe at the beginning of the twentieth century, is the
creator Nanderuvuçu (“our great father”). Nanderuvuçu has
withdrawn to a remote region of eternal darkness that is illu-
minated solely by the light that radiates from his breast (Ni-
muendajú, 1914). He holds the means to destroy the world
but retains the privilege of using this power for as long as he
pleases. Because he is not concerned about the daily activities
that occur on earth, no cultic practices are directed toward
him. His wife Nandecy (“our mother”) lives in the “land
without evil,” a paradise that at one time was believed to be
in the east and then again in the west; this paradise also be-
came the goal of various messianic movements of the Guara-
ní-Apapocuvá.
Ge solar and lunar gods. In the eastern Brazilian area,
the majority of the northwestern and central Ge tribes (Apin-
agé, Canella, and Xerente) hold that the Sun and Moon are
the only true gods. Both Sun and Moon are masculine.
Though not related to each other, they are companions; the
Sun, however, is predominant.
The supremacy of a solar god among the Apinagé led
Jensen to the conclusion that here the mythical concept of
a sun-man has a secondary identity, that is, he is also a su-
preme god (Jensen, 1951). To support this theory, Jensen di-
rects attention to the fact that human begins alone have the
privilege of addressing this deity as “my father.” He finds ad-
ditional support for this theory in the prayers that are offered
to the solar god and in the role he plays in visions. An Apin-
agé chief spoke of an encounter he once had on a hunting
expedition in which he met the sun-father in human form.
The Apinagé consider the establishment of the dual organi-
zation of the tribe, as well as the placement of the two moie-
ties within the circular settlement, to be the work of the Sun.
A final supporting element observed by Nimuendajú (1939)
is the Apinagé’s consumption of round meat patties, which
are eaten at feasts and are said to represent the sun.At the beginning of the harvest season, a four-day dance
festival is celebrated in honor of the Sun at which the dancers
apply red paint to themselves in patterns representative of the
sun. The Canella also publicly implore the heavenly gods,
the Sun and the Moon, for rain, the safety of the game ani-
mals, the success of their harvest, and an abundance of wild
fruit. In a similar manner, the Xerente call the sun “Our Cre-
ator” and pay the same devout tributes to the Sun-father as
do the Apinagé. The Sun and the Moon themselves, howev-
er, never appear, but the Xerente receive instructions from
these solar and lunar bodies through other celestial gods (the
planets Venus, Mars, Jupiter) who are associated with the
Sun and the Moon moieties. The most important ceremony
of the Xerente is the Great Feast, at which a pole is erected
so that the tribe members may climb to the top and pray to
the Sun. At the end of the celebration, the master of ceremo-
nies climbs this pole. Once at the top, he stretches his hand
outward to the east and receives a message from a star within
the constellation Orion, who acts as a celestial courier. In
most cases, satisfaction is expressed and rain is assured.
The ceremonial pole as a link to the heavenly world is
also believed to have been employed by the Botocudos, who
were among the hunting tribes that once lived near the At-
lantic Ocean but are now extinct. Their religion was appar-
ently characterized by a belief in a supreme being in heaven,
named White Head because of the image he created (the top
of his head is white and his face is covered with red hair).
He was also the chief of the heavenly spirits, who were
known as maret. The maret spirits could be called to earth
by the shaman, but in a form that is visible only to him; they
also had to return to heaven in the same way. They took on
the function of intermediaries between mortals and the su-
preme being when the shaman, through prayers and songs,
turned to them in times of sickness or in an emergency. No
one ever saw Father White Head face to face; although he
was sympathetic toward mankind, he punished murderers
and was responsible for sending rain storms.Mother goddesses. As Métraux (1946) pointed out, the
missionaries who searched for belief in a supreme being
among the Indians of the Gran Chaco were not at all success-
ful. The only mythical personality who comes close to the
concept of a superior god, in Métraux’s opinion, is Eschetew-
uarha (“mother of the universe”), the dominant deity among
the Chamacoco, a Samuco group in the north Chaco region.
She is the mother of numerous forest spirits as well as of the8578 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW