Poghirc have established a clear distinction between two lin-
guistic areas: the Thracian area, in which toponyms ending
in -para, -bria, and -diza are dominant, and the Daco-Getic
area, in which these endings are replaced by -dava and -sara.
Anthroponyms and phonetic transformation both confirm
this distinction. Culturally, the southern Thracians were re-
lated to the Iranians, to the Pelasgians, and to some peoples
of Asia Minor. They exerted a certain spiritual influence on
the Greeks, but they felt, in turn, the decisive impact of
Greek civilization. The northern Thracians, the Daco-Getae,
were, however, culturally closer to the Illyrians, the Celts,
and the Balts. Before the Roman epoch, Greek influence
north of the Danube was minimal: in Dacia only thirty
Greek inscriptions have been found, representing 1 percent
of the more than three thousand Roman inscriptions. In the
northern territories the passage from the Hallstatt culture to
the La Tène culture was determined by the Celtic invasions
during the fourth and third centuries BCE.
Testimonies. The Thracians may be attested in docu-
ments written in Linear B, a form of writing used in Myce-
naean records dating from the fifteenth to the twelfth centu-
ry BCE. They are mentioned by Homer and by numerous
later Greek and Roman authors. In the fourth century CE,
the language of the Thracian tribe of the Bessi was still in
use in Christian liturgy. A difficult question is whether any
of the Thracian tribes ever used writing. It seems that they
did, but only a few records have survived. At least the Geto-
Dacians, who formed an impressive theocracy in the first
century BCE, seem to have used the Greek and Roman alpha-
bets to transcribe their own language. No document is attest-
ed, however, apart from some mysterious inscriptions, each
composed of three Greek letters, on stone slabs from the
ruins of sanctuaries at Sarmizegetusa Regia (modern-day
Gradi ̧stea Muncelului, Romania). In all probability these in-
scriptions are not marks used by the Greek builders of the
sanctuaries but are, instead, numbers related to the compli-
cated astronomical computations of the Dacian priests. Be-
cause the slabs were scattered, it has so far been impossible
to reconstruct the pattern by which the series of numbers can
be read.
The basic sources on Thracian religion are Greek and
Roman authors, including Herodotos, Plato, Strabo, the ge-
ographer Pomponius Mela, and the Moesian-born Gothic
historian Jordanes (sixth century CE). Other sources usually
depend on these authors and only occasionally provide im-
portant information; a notable exception is the Neoplatonic
philosopher Porphyry (third century), who wrote on Zal-
moxis. For southern Thrace, Greek votive inscriptions are
particularly important; the collection edited by Georgi
Mikhailov (1955–1956) contains about 160 names of divini-
ties, together with epithets.
The Thracian regions bordering the Aegean Sea were
completely hellenized. The province south of the Balkan
Mountains remained under Greek influence even during
Roman occupation. The northern regions were decisively in-
fluenced by the Romans after being subdued by them: Moe-
sia Superior in 15 CE; Moesia Inferior, along with the Greek
Pontic colonies, on the western shore of the Black Sea, in 46
CE; and Dacia in 106 CE. The last speakers of Thracian dia-
lects disappeared from the region south of the Balkan Moun-
tains after the invasion of the Slavs in the sixth century.
THRACIAN RELIGION: SOME GENERAL FEATURES. Religion
among the southern Thracians developed along different
lines from that of the northern Thracians (the Daco-Getae)
owing to what could be called the religious reformation of
Zalmoxis in the north. Whether Zalmoxis was a god or a
human is an open question, but it can safely be stated that
his priests, forming an uninterrupted line of succession that
was at times indistinguishable from Daco-Getic kingship, in-
troduced among the northern Thracians religious principles
and, later on, scientific speculations that conferred upon
their religion a peculiar character. Different sources inform
us of the penetration of these ideas among southern Thra-
cians in early times, but Zalmoxis is uncontroversially known
as a Gete. It is difficult to speak of a common religious heri-
tage in regard to all Thracian peoples, for different beliefs
and customs are attributed to various groups in various
sources, but it is easy to recognize in the sources features per-
taining to the cult of Zalmoxis. With the exception of Zal-
moxis, whose influence extended from the north to the
south, all Thracian divinities known in Greece from the fifth
century BCE (e.g., Sabazios, Bendis, and Cotys) and the
mythic characters to whom the Greeks attributed a Thracian
background (e.g., Orpheus and Dionysos) originated among
the southern Thracians.
According to Herodotos (5.7) the Thracians worshiped
three divinities, corresponding to the Greek Ares, Dionysos,
and Artemis, and their kings worshiped a fourth divinity,
corresponding to Hermes, to whose posterity they were be-
lieved to belong.
As for Ares-Mars, the god of war, Jordanes (De origine
actibusque Getarum 40–41) confirms his importance among
the Getae, in whose land he was supposed to have been born
(“apud eos... exortum”) and to have reigned (cf. Vergil,
Aeneid 3.35). Prisoners of war were sacrificed to him, and his
devotional cults were particularly intense in their affective
tones.
Whether Herodotos in his mention of Dionysos was re-
ferring to Sabazios is a controversial point, since he could
have directly mentioned the name of Sabazios. The same ar-
gument applies as well to the goddesses Bendis and Cotys,
who are usually identified with Artemis. At the time of Hero-
dotos both of them were known at Athens, and yet the histo-
rian did not mention their names in connection with the
Thracian Artemis.
Ancient authors attributed to Dionysos himself a Thra-
cian background. In the myth of Dionysos, a Thracian epi-
sode, mentioned by Homer (Iliad 5.130ff.), is particularly
interesting. In numerous variants, it is recounted that the
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