Environment and aquaculture in developing countries

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the principle of uxorilocality and that of
male governance; the structural opposition
between proximategenerations as a result
of emphasis on the unity of the sibling
group; the division of a mother's loyalties
between her siblinggroup and her children;
and the plitical competition among

uterine brothers for their sisters' loyalty.
These inherent conflicts among principles
of social organization may cause serious
social tensions within small communities
and can be easily exacerbated by
economically beneficial innovations, such
as aquaculture.
As would be anticipated from changing
political, economic, and social conditions,
as well as from the personality traits of
individuals, in few if any societies do
everyday social relationships and patterns
of behavior correspond exactly to such
nominal ideals of social structure.
Monetization, urbanization, industrial-
ization and the resultant migration for
wage labor have been among the principal
factors that have caused major changes in
developing-country social organization.
The principal function of community
leadership with respect to the adoption of
innovation is the ability to mobilize and
then sustain participation, by generating
labor contributions, organizing
infrastructure, interfacing with external
authorities, effecting consensual
decisionmaking and ensuringthe equitable
distribution of benefits, such that
community harmony is maintained.
Goodleadership can speed the adoption
process and ensure its continuity. On the
negative side, however, strong leadership
can sap the initiative of other participants
to develop managerial skills and
overdependence on a single strong
individual leader can imperil long-term
continuity of development. Poor
Panamanian farmers, for example,interact
best when theleader is arespectedmember
of the community but still a peer; i.e., he is
neither so wealthy nor so powerful that he


is no longer regarded as being a member of
the local group (Molnar et al. 1985).

Community Cohesiveness

Factionalism within a community
stemming from social andlor economic
status, caste, or ethnicity, among other
causes, can be a major obstacle to the
successful adoption and dissemination of
an innovation, particularly when access to
commonpropertyresources, suchas water,
is required. In addition to analyzing the
cost-benefits to themselves, individual
households also monitor those for their
group as a whole. Whereas costs and
benefits need not balance exactly for
individual households, a net gain must be
guaranteed by a group (Kikuchi et al.
1978). Further inequities may be
interpretedin the context offormer existing
intra-community conflicts and resultant
factions (Peterson 19821, which tend to
become exacerbated as a consequence. A
positive aspect ofintra-community conflict
and factionalism, on the other hand, is its
possible indication of a healthy level of
social energy which might be harnessable
in support of a well-designed development
project. In contrast, its lack may indicate
lethargic resignation and pessimism
toward innovation, among other negative
traits (Whyte and Albert 1976).
In Panama, for example, although
community aquaculture projects did not
engender any new intra-community
conflicts, some became enmeshedin earlier
ones between members of collective farms
and independent farmers. The latter,
resentful over their exclusion from the
aquaculture development project,
attempted to undermine it. However,
rather than achieving their object they
strengthened the cohesiveness of the
communal farmers, since aquaculture
became a further rallying point in their
ongoing conflict with the independents
(Molnar et al. 1985). Evidence ofthe success
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