Environment and aquaculture in developing countries

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stages of an introduction. If they are
successful, other farmers with lower status
tend to emulate them (Banda 1989). Thus
in Zomba District, the role of one key
farmer, an early adopter, was cited by 75%
of established fish farmers as the principal
means by which initial fish farming skills
were reinforced and enhanced (Mills 1989).
This farmer, a respected member of the
community, is locally renowned for running
a successful commercially oriented
aquaculture operation. Once initial
activi.ties have developed, reinforcement
and enhancement of skills takes place
through contacts with key farmers, the
aquaculture and agricultural extension
services, and fish farmer clubs.
The situation is similar in Central
MalaGi, where the principal skills learned
interpersonally from other farmers are
pond site selection (19% of respondents),
pond construction (14%) and fish-feeding
(21%) (Likongwe 1989). The informal
learning of aquaculture skills correlates
inversely with the frequency of extension
service contacts (Likongwe 1989). Such
skill acquisition appears to be systematic,
in that informal skill acquisition for pond
selection correlates positively with that
for pond site selection, arranging water
supply and fish feeding.
In Zomba District, knowledge about
pond construction and management is not
given freely, except to family and close
friends. Rather, it is perceived as being
difficult to acquire and thus an extremely
valuable asset that enhances social status
within the community. As such, it is a
commodity the giving of which requires
some form of recompense (Mills 1989).


Fish Seed Supply. Among the major
constraints to the more rapid development
of small-scale aquaculture in developing
countries is seed fish supply. Aresponse to
this pi+oblem in Malafii, for example, was
the institution of the "fingerling debt"
system, whereby farmers are supplied with


free seed for their start-up crop from the
extension center. In return they incur the
obligation to provide free seed to another
farmer when he begins operations (O.V.
Msiska, pers. comm.).

Credit. Inmost instances, the provision
of credit is essential to the establishment
ofa new enterprise. However,fewpotential
small-scale fish farmers in developing
countries have suitable assets for use as
collateral. Further, given the risks inherent
in adopting a generally locally unproven
innovation, especially in the absence of a
perceived adequate supporting
infrastructure, small-scale farmers are
usually reluctant to raise capital by selling
other farm produce to start aquaculture,
and thus to divert investment in such
proven agricultural inputs as field crop
fertilizers, until they are confident in the
profitability of aquaculture, as in Southern
MalaGi, for example (Banda 1989).

Marketing. The commercial distri-
bution of the products of a new enterprise
is commonly problematical in developing
countries. As a consequence, it has been
suggested that aquaculture development
be planned to take advantage of existing
distribution and marketing systems for
the products of capture fisheries (Pillay
1977).
However, this is unnecessary in many
areas, particularly where fresh fish is a
preferred food and in short supply, at least
seasonally. Thus in the Zomba District of
Southern MalaGi, for example, the sale of
cultured fish, regardless of species, is a
simple task, since demand always far
outstrips supply. Indeed, some farmers
ration the amount offish sold to customers
attending a harvest to ensure reasonably
equitable sales (Mills1989). Further, some
enterprising farmers have developed
specialized markets. Most farmers simply
notify the community of an impending
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