fulfilled (e.g. ‘It is likely that I will start swimming next week’). They suggested that
such self-predictions are more likely to reflect the individual’s consideration of
those factors that may help or hinder the behaviour itself. To date, some research
supports the usefulness of this new variable (Sheppard et al. 1988) whilst some
suggests that the correlation between intentions and self-predictions is too high for
self-predictions to add anything extra to a model of health behaviour (Norman and
Smith 1995).
Behavioural willingness – Along similar lines to the introduction of self-predictions,
researchers have called for the use of behavioural willingness. For example, an
individual may not only intend to carry out a behaviour (e.g. ‘I intend to eat
more fruit’) but is also willing to do so (e.g. ‘I am willing to eat more fruit’). Gibbons
et al. (1998) explored the usefulness of both intentions and willingness, and
suggested that willingness may be of particular importance when exploring
adolescent behaviour, as adolescents may behave in a less reasoned way,
and be unwilling to carry out behaviour that is unpleasant (‘I intend to stop
smoking’).
Perceived need – It may not only be intentions to behave, or self-predictions or
even willingness that are important. Paisley and Sparks (1998) argued that it is
the perception by an individual that they need to change their behaviour which
is critical. For example, an intention ‘I intend to stop smoking’ may be less influential
than a perceived need to stop smoking ‘I need to stop smoking’. They examined the
role of perceived need in predicting expectations of reducing dietary fat and argued
for the use of this variable in future research.
Therefore, by expanding behavioural intentions to include self-predictions, behavioural
willingness and/or perceived need it is argued that the models will be become better
predictors of actual behaviour.
The role of past behaviour
Most research assumes cognitions predict behavioural intentions, which in turn predict
behaviour. This is in line with the shift from ‘I think, therefore I intend to do, therefore
I do’. It is possible, however, that behaviour is not predicted by cognitions but by
behaviour. From this perspective, individuals are more likely to eat healthily tomorrow if
they ate healthily today. They are also more likely to go to the doctor for a cervical smear
if they have done so in the past. Behaviour has been measured in terms of both past
behaviour and habit. In terms of past behaviour, research suggests that it predicts
behaviours such as cycle helmet use (Quine et al. 1998), breast self-examination
(Hodgkins and Orbell 1998), bringing up condom use (Yzer et al. 2001), wearing an eye
patch (Norman et al. 2003) and attendance at health checks (Norman and Conner
1993). In addition, past behaviour may itself predict cognitions that then predict
behaviour (Gerrard et al. 1996). In terms of habit, research indicates a role in explaining
condom use (Trafimow 2000) and that habit reduces people’s use of information (Aarts
et al. 1998).
40 HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY