14 The Economist March 26th 2022
Letters
The war is not the West’s fault
Russia is not an innocent
victim of nato’s expansionist
policy, as John Mearsheimer
claims (By invitation, March
19th). On the contrary, it is the
Kremlin’s policy that forces
Russia’s neighbouring coun
tries to seek effective alliances.
The problem with Mr Mear
sheimer’s argument is the
assumption that had natonot
expanded, Russia would be a
different place today. The
historical evidence does not
support that.
Moreover, his arguments
deprive Ukrainians of any
agency. He consistently
ignores the possibility that
Ukrainians might choose
democracy and seek member
ship of the European Union of
their own free will (in this, he
echoes Kremlin talking
points). He draws a false equiv
alence between a liberal,
wealthy economic bloc on the
one hand and an authoritarian
gas station run by a mafia on
the other. Mr Mearsheimer
should consider the distinct
possibility that Russia’s long
history of attempted dom
inance over Ukraine, and other
central and eastern European
countries, is what helped drive
many Ukrainians, and Poles,
towards the eu.
piotr arak
Director
Polish Economic Institute
Warsaw
Mr Mearsheimer’s attempt to
understand the root causes of
the conflict suffers from a
deeply flawed methodology:
he does not understand that
world politics are made by real
people, rather than figments of
abstractions. Thus, Russia’s
security concerns are ulti
mately defined by Vladimir
Putin, and his preeminent
security concern is about
staying, and surviving, in
power. What threatens that is
not natoexpansion but a
“colour revolution” in Russia.
A prosperous, democratic
Ukraine would surely encour
age popular opposition to the
Putin regime in Russia, and
therefore in his view it must be
prevented at all costs.
Amazingly, Mr Mearsheim
er suggests that Ukraine’s
Maidan uprising in 2014 and
the flight of Viktor Yanukovych
was a “coup”. This is not only a
morally murky statement
because it airily dismisses the
concerns and the dignity of the
vast majority of 44m Ukrai
nians who do not want to be
ruled by Mr Putin’s Russia. It
also fails to understand that
sometimes it is not only lead
ers who shape politics but also
ordinary people. If Mr Mear
sheimer were right, European
and German unification
should never have happened.
Western institutions may
well have put Mr Putin “into a
rage”, as Mr Mearsheimer says.
natoenlargement is not,
however, at the root of the war.
What happens in Ukraine is
not a “direct threat to Russia’s
future”: it is a direct threat to
Mr Putin’s future.
professor hanns maull
Senior distinguished fellow
German Institute for Interna
tional and Security Affairs
Berlin
Having grown up in commu
nist Romania I take particular
offence at Mr Mearsheimer’s
notion that eastern European
countries are merely a buffer
zone or some kind of geopoliti
cal pawn. Russia does not own
eastern Europe. These are
sovereign countries who
desire nothing more than to
relinquish their ties to Russia
and join the free world. East
ern Europeans asked, begged,
to join natohaving made
enormous strides towards
political reform. Should we
have allowed Russia to drag
them back into the abyss?
monica friedlander
Cambria, California
Mr Mearsheimer writes: “The
mainstream view in the West
is that he [Putin] is an irratio
nal, outoftouch aggressor
bent on creating a greater
Russia in the mould of the
former Soviet Union. Thus, he
alone bears full responsibility
for the Ukraine crisis.” That
mainstream view is absolutely
correct.
nick deychakiwsky
Brighton, Michigan
Clarity in private equity
One way to rein in private
equity’s predatory behaviour
(Special report, February 26th)
would be to pass the Stop Wall
Street Looting Act, revived in
the Senate last year by Eliza
beth Warren. This is far from
the only campaign for more
transparency in the industry.
Leaked documents show
that the opacity that defines
the privateequity industry,
including investors’ identities,
source of funds and often
even the assets under owner
ship, has the fbideeply con
cerned that the industry
is a soft target for money laun
derers. Anticorruption cam
paigners are calling for the
Financial Crimes Enforcement
Network at the Treasury to
finalise a stalled rule from
2015 requiring investment
advisers to establish effective
antimoneylaundering
programmes.
No less than national secu
rity and the integrity of elec
tions is at stake. In 2015 a soft
ware company that managed
much of Maryland’s voter
registration system was
bought by a privateequity
fund in which a Russian oli
garch with close ties to Vladi
mir Putin was the largest
investor (the fund no longer
owns the voter system).
Bringing more transpar
ency to private equity would
also be a good investment in
safeguarding future public
spending in a crisis. Our
analysis has identified more
than $1.2bn in loans for small
businesses that went to com
panies backed by private
funds. Most of these can be
written off. The legislation that
left open this loophole should
be counted as another “divi
dend” of the industry’s exten
sive lobbying operation.
If private equity is coming
into the mainstream and out of
the shadows it should be pre
pared to play by mainstream
rules and stop operating under
a shroud of secrecy.
david szakonyi
Cofounder
AntiCorruption Data
Collective
Washington,dc
Tricky Dick
The attempt to defend or exon
erate Richard Nixon by Dwight
Chapin, an aide to the former
American president, (“Watch
dog barking”, February 26th)
brought to mind Hunter S.
Thompson’s obituary, which,
as it happens, I read whenever
I feel a little blue. But that is
besides the point; what isn’t, is
that Mr Chapin’s book sounds
like a terrible casting of the
past. For a more reasonable
and balanced view, I feel a
refresher of what Mr Thomp
son wrote about Nixon is in
order:
If the right people had been in
charge of Nixon's funeral, his
casket would have been
launched into one of those
opensewage canals that
empty into the ocean just
south of Los Angeles. He was a
swine of a man and a jabbering
dupe of a president. Nixon was
so crooked that he needed
servants to help him screw his
pants on every morning.
The recently departed Mr
Thompson had many more
things to say, but I believe that
will suffice.
matt turner
Hope, Canada
You will conform
Bartleby’s column on the
common characteristics of
cults and companies (March
5th) brought back fond memo
ries of my time working for
Ross Perot’s Electronic Data
Systems (better known as eds)
back in the late 1980s. Compa
ny indoctrination started with
a tenweek electronic boot
camp with rules such as “no
facial hair” and “no tassels on
your shoes”. It continued after
through motivational trinkets,
like fluorescent erasers embla
zoned with the words “rub out
nonconformance”.
andrew vanberkel
Toronto
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