The Economist April 2nd 2022 Europe 29tion for resisting energy sanctions on Rus
sia. In February he travelled to Moscow and
extended a longterm gas contract with
Gazprom. The terms are secret, but Mr Or
ban says they are very beneficial. Respond
ing to Mr Zelensky’s criticism, he claimed
that without Russian gas and oil Hungary’s
economy would “grind to a halt”. (The
country’s dependency on Russian energy
is high, but not unusually so for central Eu
rope.) In 2014 Mr Orban struck a deal with
Rosatom to upgrade Hungary’s nuclear
power plant that entails billions of dollars
in Russian loans.
For some of its troubles the opposition
has itself to blame. It has not found a cen
tral theme to hammer away at. The party
leaders have campaigned like “six
dwarves”, says Gabor Toka, a political sci
entist. Mr MarkiZay is more rightwing
than most of his alliance, and is prone to
odd lines of attack, such as unconvincingly
charging the government with sending
arms to Ukraine. (nato planes based in
Hungary are carrying out deliveries, but
only between other countries.)
That partly reflects the coalition’s
breadth. Dialogue is an urban party that
strongly supports gay rights. Jobbik is a ru
ral nationalist party that used to engage in
antiRoma racism. The lack of conflict be
tween such parties during the campaign is
striking. Opposition voters, too, seem will
ing to set aside ideology. “I am economical
ly more freemarket, but that doesn’t mat
ter now. The point is to get democracy
back,” said Ben Tordai, a student at the rally
on March 15th.
For all Mr Orban’s rhetoric about energy
prices, his policy on Ukraine reflects a
philosophical difference from other Euro
peans. “Hungary is a country in the buffer
zone” between Russia and the West, says
Zoltan Kiszelly of the Szazadveg Founda
tion, a progovernment thinktank. “We
fought four wars with Russia and lost all of
them. We don’t want to try for a fifth. The
Poles had a much worse history, but they
want to try one more time.”
This position is starting to hurt Hunga
ry. Mr Orban was once seen as a leader of a
group of populist governments across cen
tral Europe. Poland is a close ally: its Law
and Justice party has imitated Mr Orban by
trying to take over its courts and media.
The euis imposing penalties on both for
eroding the rule of law. They rely on each
other’s vetoes to quash further sanctions.
But Law and Justice is vociferously anti
Putin. On March 26th Andrzej Duda, Po
land’s president, said Mr Orban’s policy
would “cost Hungarians a lot”. Poland and
the Czech Republic later cancelled a visit
by their defence ministers to Budapest.
Yet Hungary’s opposition is having
trouble convincing voters this matters, or
getting them angry about the corruption at
the heart of Mr Orban’s government. As in
MrPutin’sregime,thelistofrichHungar
iansisfilledwithMrOrban’sfriends.A for
merschoolmateisnowtherichestmanin
thecountry.A hugemansionisundercon
structionoutsideBudapestforMrOrban’s
father.eufundsandstatebusinessflowto
Fidesz’s backers,whousethe moneyin
parttokeepthepartyinpower.
Formanyintheoppositionthisyear’s
united effort seemed the last and best
chancetostopMrOrbanfromlockingup
power.Shoulditfail,thewayaheadisnot
clear.MsDobrevsaystheeushoulddeny
Hungaryaidwhileitdefiestheruleoflaw.
AfterMrPutin’sinvasion,Europeshould
havenomoreillusions,shesays:“Theway
fromilliberalismtodictatorshipisa one
wayroad,it’sa deadendroad,anditends
withcatastrophe.” nGermany’senergydependenceCan Germany forgo
Russian imports?
O
laf scholzreacted on March 27th with
unusually harsh words to a question by
Anne Will, a popular Sunday talkshow
host, about studies by economists that
suggest an immediate stop of imports of
Russian energy would reduce German eco
nomic growth by only a modest amount.
“Their view is wrong,” said Mr Scholz, add
ing that it was “irresponsible” to feed num
bers into mathematical models to arrive at
this conclusion.
For several weeks prominent economists have argued passionately among
themselves and with Mr Scholz’s ministers
about the possible consequences of ban
ning Russian energy. The government, as
well as industrial lobby groups and think
tanks close either to it or to trade unions,
argue that a ban would lead to high unem
ployment, mass poverty and a recession.
But some independent economists, as well
as a number of opposition politicians, in
sist that the consequences would be man
ageable, if substantial.
The debate may yet become moot. On
March 30th Robert Habeck, Germany’s
minister for economy and climate, activat
ed the first stage of an emergency plan to
manage gas supplies in case Russia turns
off the tap. Russia is threatening to do so
because Germany and the rest of the g7 are
refusing to accept its demand that “un
friendly” countries pay for gas in roubles
rather than euros or dollars, which sanc
tions have made it hard for Russia to use.
But if the gas keeps flowing, so will the
debate about the morality of buying it. Ger
many has been importing around €1.8bn
($2bn)worth of Russian gas, oil and coal a
month, thereby helping to finance Vladi
mir Putin’s war in Ukraine. Mr Scholz says
stopping that would hurt Germany more
than Russia, even though other European
governments have called for an embargo.
This week the imk, a thinktank close to
Germany’s trade unions, published a study
that backs the government’s gloomy as
sessment. It says halting energy imports
from Russia would cause a deep recession,
with gdpshrinking by more than 6% even
if alternative suppliers could make up for
half of the gas supplied by Russia. These
are rough estimates. “It is impossible to
model a stop of gas imports seriously,” cau
tions Sebastian Dullien of the imk.
Theimk finds itself in rare agreement
with industrial lobbies such as the bdi, the
association of German industry. In early
March, Siegfried Russwurm, the bdi’s
boss, warned that talk about an eu embar
go on Russian energy is “playing with fire”
and would harm the eumore than the ag
gressor. basf, a German chemicals giant,
said that if its gas supply is halved it will
need to halt production at the world’s big
gest chemicals plant in Ludwigshafen,
which employs around 40,000 people.
Hundreds of thousands of related jobs
would be in danger. Martin Brudermüller,
the boss of basf, told investors on March
26th, “There is no way Russian gas can be
replaced in the short term.”
These pessimistic assessments are con
tradicted by the German Institute for Eco
nomic Research (diw); a working paper co
written by a group of German and interna
tional economists and published by ifo,
another research outfit; and econtribute,
an economics research group involving
the universities of Bonn and Cologne.B ERLIN
The government and leading
economists disagreeUnder Mr Putin’s control