The Economist April 2nd 2022 39
The AmericasEducationinChile
A lurch to the left
A
lexis marambiogrew up in a tiny flat
in La Pintana, a poor neighbourhood of
Santiago, Chile’s capital. For most of his
life he shared a room with his brother; his
sister slept in her parents’ bed until she
was 13. Leak stains still blotch the walls.
Bars on the windows keep out thieves and
most sunshine. “This is the raw side of
Chile,” he says.
But Mr Marambio, who is now 30, de
fied the odds. He was the first in his family
to go to university. His parents worked day
and night to pay for some of his expenses,
and he owes around $20,000 in student
loans. Education was his ladder out of pov
erty. After working for the local mayor and
then for a polling firm, he moved to a nicer
part of town and bought his parents a
house. On a visit to La Pintana a former
neighbour greets him: “My boy, you’ve
come back to visit the poor!”
His story reflects the success of Chile’s
education system. Since the country re
turned to democracy in 1990, the number
of students enrolled in postsecondary in
stitutions has quintupled (see chart on
next page). By the mid 2000s seven in ten
newly enrolled students were from the
first generation of their families to attend
university. Unsurprisingly, this expansion
has cost money. Fully 59% of spending on
tertiary education comes from house
holds, compared with an average of 30%
across the oecd, a club mostly of rich
countries. Tuition fees in Chile are the
highest in the oecdrelative to purchasing
power after Britain and the United States
(but, as in both countries, financial sup
port is hefty).
Yet discontent with education has led
to some of the biggest protests in Chile’s
history. In 2006 children demonstrated
against perceived inequality in schooling;
in 2011 university students did the same.Large, violent protests in 2019 were partly
about college fees. It was as a student lead
er that Gabriel Boric, the newly elected 36
yearold president, rose to fame, along
with many in his cabinet. “The fight for
public, free and goodquality education
was a fight for a different model of society,”
he told a crowd in November. As president,
he says he wants to reform education. But
in its zeal for change, his government
could make Chile’s problems worse.
Chile’s school system has long been un
usual. Under the dictatorship of Augusto
Pinochet, who ruled from 1973 to 1990, the
country widened the use of standardised
tests and set up a voucher scheme which
provided public funds to privately run
schools based on the number of children
that enrolled. The idea was to increase
competition and choice. Most parents
chose voucher schools. Between 1981 and
2020 the share of children in voucher
schools shot up from 15% to 54%. The share
in governmentrun schools fell from 78%
to 33%; the share in expensive private
schools that did not take vouchers re
mained around 10%.
Some analysts credit the system for im
proving results. Chile scores the highest in
Latin America on a test conducted by the
oecdon the science, maths and reading
skills of 15yearolds around the world. Yet
others fear that the voucher schools in
creased the gulf between rich and poor.
Until 2016, when Michelle Bachelet, a forS ANTIAGO
Gabriel Boric vows to forgive student loans and reduce testing in schools
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