40 The Americas TheEconomistApril2nd 2022
CentralAmericaInjudiciousjudges
“T
helawisa business,”saysJuan,a
34yearold who sells legal docu
ments,includingcopiesoftheconstitu
tion,ona busystreetoppositeGuatemala’s
highestcourt.“ThelawsI selldon’tapply;
ratherthosewithmoneygettheirway.”It is
a commonviewina countryinwhichgun
totingmensometimesguardjudicialoffic
es,ostensiblytoprotecttheirinhabitants.
CorruptionandimpunitydamageCen
tralAmericainmanyways,fromthedrain
ofpublicfundsintoprivatepocketstoa
dearthofinvestmentowingtounreliable
justicesystems.IntheNorthernTriangle
countriesofGuatemala,HondurasandEl
Salvador,some$13bneachyearisstolen
throughcorruption,estimatestheCouncil
onForeignRelations,a thinktankinNew
York.Thatdoesnotincludetaxevasionor
forgoneinvestment.
In FebruaryEl Faro, an investigative
outletbasedinElSalvador,publishedalle
gationsthatAlejandroGiammattei,Guate
mala’s president, received illicit funds dur
ing his presidential campaign in 2019. (He
denies wrongdoing.) On February 15th Juan
Orlando Hernández, a former president of
Honduras, was arrested on suspicion of
aiding drug gangs. He will be extradited to
the United States. Last year Mr Hernández’s
brother was sentenced to life imprison
ment in New York for drugtrafficking.
It is highly unlikely that either Mr
Giammattei or Mr Hernández will be
charged in his home country. In 2019 MrG UATEMALACITY
Legalsystemsarecorruptandjudges
frequentlyintimidatedErika Aifán, forced to fleemer leftwing president, introduced a se
ries of reforms, these schools often select
ed students using their own criteria, such
as primaryschool grades or whether par
ents were married in the Catholic church.
They could also charge topup fees.
A study from 2016 by Gregory Elacqua
and Humberto Santos, two academics in
Chile, compared the degree to which rich
and poor kids were educated separately
under the voucher system in Santiago with
what would have occurred if students had
attended the school nearest their homes.
They concluded that schools were more
segregated than neighbourhoods. This
contradicts the claim that voucher schools
simply reflect the societies they serve.
Richer Chileans also do better at uni
versity. In order to get into one, students
must take an admissions test similar to the
satin the United States. More than half of
those who achieve top scores come from
the 10% who go to elite (ie, nonvoucher)
private schools. Students who do not score
well largely end up in less prestigious tech
nical institutes. This means that many
poorer students finish higher education
with big debts and degrees that employers
do not value much. Fully 54% of students
who have taken out the main student loan
have defaulted or are in arrears, compared
with 32% of student debtors in America.
Successive presidents have tinkered
with the system. Sebastián Piñera, the cen
treright president during the protests in
2011, lowered the interest rate on the main
student loan from 6% to 2%. In 2016 Ms Ba
chelet made university free for the poorest
60% of students. This bung to students
was popular, even if the reform meant that
there was probably less public money than
there might have been for primary and sec
ondary education. Between 2012 and 2018
public spending on tertiary education in
creased more in Chile than in any other
oecdcountry, while public spending on
nontertiary education increased only
somewhat faster than the oecdaverage.
Mr Boric has promised to improve
staterun primary and secondary schools,
but has so far provided few details. He has
pledged to continue some of Ms Bachelet’s
reforms, alongside increasing funding for
public nurseries. However, he also wants
to remove “market dynamics” in educa
tion, meaning competition. He wants to
eliminate some standardised tests and re
place an “extensive and contentfilled cur
riculum” with one that emphasises cre
ativity, gender, multiculturalism and the
environment. Some teacher evaluations
could be scrapped.
Fabián Guajardo of Nodo xxi, a leftist
thinktank, says this will reduce pressure
on teachers and students, something the
teachers’ unions have long favoured. Cris
tián Cox Donoso of Diego Portales Univer
sity in Santiago likens it to “tearing down abuilding that has taken two decades to
build”. Policymakers need “to know every
year if reading, maths, science, history and
socialscience targets are being achieved
or not, to help them to respond better,” he
says, but “the romantic left...wants to get
rid of this.” The new education minister
used to be a teacher.
Mr Boric also plans to forgive all stu
dent debt and extend the free public col
lege scheme. His team puts the cost of for
giving student debt at $4.7bn. Other esti
mates are higher, if defaulted debts that are
already being paid off by the state are in
cluded. In December Mr Boric estimated
that the total cost of the policy would be
$12bn, or 3.4% of gdp. The details of the
plan are still being hashed out, but it is
likely to be implemented over 20 years.
Mario Marcel, the new finance minis
ter, appears to understand that forgiving
student debt is a sop to the middle class.
“What one wouldn’t want is for student
debt forgiveness to be paid for by workers
or slumdwellers,” he says. He believes the
policy should be funded by raising taxes.
He aims to raise the total tax take from 21%
of gdpto 26% in four years.
It will be hard for Mr Boric to back down
from these promises. His supporters want
their student loans written off, and will be
furious if they are not. As the new presi
dent knows all too well, young,educated
Chileans are not afraid tomaketheir dis
content heard on the streets. nThe legacy of the Chicago schoolSources:OECD;UNESCOInstituteforStatistics*Chargedbypublicinstitutionstonationalstudents
†Purchasing-powerparity ‡Populationwithinfiveyears
ofsecondary-schoolgraduationageGermanyFranceSouthKoreaAustraliaCanadaJapanIrelandChileUnitedStatesEngland129630Average annual bachelor’s degree tuition fees*
2020-2 academic year or latest available, $’000 at PPP†100
80
60
40
20
0
1910200090801970Tertiary education, gross enrolment ratio‡, %United States
BritainChileBrazilArgentina