The Economist April 2nd 2022 Finance&economics 69approached an alltime high in February,
according to an index maintained by the
un Food and Agriculture Organisation.
They will have only gone up further since.
One consequence of this is a surge in
poverty. The Centre for Global Develop
ment, a thinktank, estimates that 40m
people worldwide will be pushed into ex
treme poverty as a result of Russia’s inva
sion of Ukraine. (By comparison, the World
Bank estimated in 2021 that roughly 100m
people may have fallen into poverty be
cause of the covid19 pandemic.) High
commodity prices will also add to macro
economic strains in many places.
Total debt across emerging and devel
oping economies stood at a 50year high
last year, relative togdp. The cost of servic
ing those borrowings is rising, as central
banks worldwide begin pushing up inter
est rates in order to check inflation. The
tough economic conditions are weighing
on emergingmarket currencies, raising
the cost of foreigncurrency debt and forc
ing governments to drain currency re
serves in order to shore up exchange rates.
Higher commodity prices could also fur
ther complicate the fiscal picture for
emerging economies, given that many
governments offer generous food and en
ergy subsidies to households.
Sri Lanka’s case is illustrative. Its for
eignexchange reserves shrank from more
than $8bn in 2019 to around $2bn earlier
this year. Though the government has
sought aid from both India and China, it
will almost certainly require help from the
imf, with which it is expected to begin ne
gotiations in April (and which may ask for
a reduction in subsidies as part of any res
cue package).
Egypt has also struggled. It imports
nearly twothirds of the wheat it con
sumes, the vast majority of which comes
from Russia and Ukraine. At a prepan
demic level of consumption, Egypt’s annu
al bill for food and energy imports
amounts to about 40% of its foreignex
change reserves (see chart). Sensing trou
ble, foreign investors began pulling money
out of the country, which in turn forced the
government to devalue the currency by
14%. On March 23rd it officially sought the
imf’s help.
According to estimates by the World
Bank, at least a dozen countries may find
themselves unable to service debts over
the next 12 months, as stores of hard cur
rency run low. Some south Asian and north
African economies are in danger; Pakistan
and Tunisia look particularly vulnerable.
Even emerging markets with healthier fi
nancial positions can expect to face slower
growth, higher inflation and grumpier citi
zens as a result of Russia’s war.
The news is not all grim. Economies
that specialise in the production of the
commodities most disrupted by the war
standtoreapsomebenefitfromsoaring
prices.OilexportingGulfstateswillcol
lecta windfall,whichhigherpricesforim
portedfoodstuffswillonlypartly offset.
SomeLatinAmericancurrencieshaveap
preciatedsincetheoutbreakofwar,inex
pectationofhigherearningsfortheiroil
andgrainexports.In 2021 Brazilseemedto
beslippingintocrisis,weigheddownby
high inflationandfiscalprofligacy. The
warhasgiventhecountry,whichisa big
commodityexporter,a reprieve.Formuch
oftherestoftheworld,though,it hasbeen
anythingbut.nMaterial maths
Imports as % of foreign-exchange reserves
Selected emerging markets, 2019**Foreign-exchange
reserves data for 2020Sources:ObservatoryofEconomic
Complexity;WorldBank0 5 10 15 20
Wheat and cornOil
806040200ChileChinaEgyptIndiaPakistan
Sri Lanka
TunisiaVietnamTu r ke yTaxingthewealthyBefore death
do us part
M
ost americans want the govern
ment to impose higher taxes on the
ultrarich. Every few months or so Demo
cratic lawmakers unveil plans for doing
just that, only to stumble well before en
acting them. It is not just that the wealthy
can afford powerful lobbyists. The nature
of their fortunes also makes them an elu
sive target for tax authorities. A new pro
posal by the Biden administration may of
fer a partial solution, provided it can over
come political and legal hurdles.
The idea, contained in President Joe Bi
den’s new budget proposal on March 28th,
is that Americans worth more than $100m
would pay a minimum tax of 20% on all
their income, including, controversially,
the appreciation of their investments. If an
ultrarich American makes a paper gain of,
say, $10m on his stock portfolio in a year,
he would face a liability of $2m.
The goal is to close a gaping loophole.
Wealthy Americans must pay capitalgains
taxes of at least 20% when they sell assets.But when assets are inherited, the price at
the time of the transfer forms the new ba
sis for calculating capital gains. In this way
the ultrarich can shrink their tax bills:
they owe nothing on unsold assets while
alive and their heirs then benefit from the
“steppedup basis” for capital gains. Econ
omists in the Biden administration have
calculated that the 400 wealthiest Ameri
can families pay an average federal in
cometax rate of just 8%, far below the
rates paid by most in the middle class.
A simple way to close this loophole
would be to recognise all capital gains
upon inheritance. Indeed that was Mr Bi
den’s preference in legislation last year.
But opponents tarred it as a “death tax” that
would bankrupt family farms. Although
that charge was unfair—almost all farms
would have been below the tax threshold—
the Democrats dropped the idea.
The Biden administration dubs the new
proposal a “billionaire minimum income
tax”. Steve Rosenthal of the Tax Policy Cen
tre, a thinktank, calls this an ingenious re
branding of the steppedup basis idea. “It
would operate like a prepayment,” he
says. Taxes owed at death would be re
duced by those paid previously.
The White House reckons the new tax
would bring in $360bn over the next de
cade, impressive for a levy that hits the
wealthiest 0.01% of households. That,
however, reflects a windfall for the state
when it collects on decades of gains for the
likes of Jeff Bezos and Elon Musk. To pay
the tax, they may need to sell down stakes
in their firms, potentially remaking their
ownership structures. The government
would cushion the blow by breaking pay
ments into instalments (spread over nine
years at first and, later, five years). Once es
tablished, the revenues would be slimmer.
“The $360bn estimate makes it look more
promising than it really is in the long run,”
says Kyle Pomerleau of the American En
terprise Institute, a thinktank.
There are two immediate obstacles. As
with every idea from the Biden White
House, the political question is whether
Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema, two
moderate Democratic senators, support it.
They have, for different reasons, opposed
previous tax increases. Then there are the
courts. The constitution limits the federal
government to taxing incomes, not wealth.
The White House would argue that accrued
capital gains are a form of income, but its
proposal would face legal challenges.
Even if Mr Biden were to succeed in
shepherding the tax into law, another con
cern would emerge. The levy would be
complex, especially for assets that do not
trade in public markets. Lawyers would de
vise new structures to shelter wealth.
“Their pencils are being sharpenedeven as
we speak,” says Joel Slemrod,aneconomist
at the University of Michigan.nWASHINGTON, DC
The White House wants to close a tax
loophole used by the ultra-rich