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EDITORIALS
I
N UKRAINE, a relative lull in the war
has set in now that Russia has re-
treated from Kyiv, the capital that
President Vladimir Putin tried —
and failed — for six weeks to capture.
There is no letup in the danger Moscow’s
forces pose to Ukrainian civilians, how-
ever — as evidenced by Friday’s wanton
missile strike on a train station in Krama-
torsk, where throngs were trying to evac-
uate ahead of a new offensive for which
Russia is evidently regrouping, reequip-
ping and rearming. At least 50 people
died. The impending offensive, centered
on eastern Ukraine, is pivotal. Ukrainian
success could blunt Mr. Putin’s ambitions
lastingly; Russian success could lead to a
renewed push on Kyiv.
The United States and other Western
democracies must ensure that Ukraine’s
forces have the weapons they need to
win. Troop recruitment is no problem;
Ukrainians have mobilized to fight for a
cause that belongs to them and to
everyone who believes in international
law, self-determination and human
rights. Ukraine’s achievements so far
also vindicate NATO’s strategy of eco-
nomic sanctions against Moscow and
military support for Kyiv — $1.7 billion
of which the Biden administration has
sent since Feb. 24.
NATO’s own success has raised a need
for recalibration. Ukraine has far ex-
ceeded initial expectations, which were
that it would be able to hold off the
Russian army for a while until switching
to guerrilla warfare against a presumed
occupation. Now, planners must scram-
ble to equip Ukraine for something
more like a conventional war. Kyiv’s
forces still need rifles, drones, grenade
launchers and shoulder-fired antitank
and antiaircraft weapons. More impor-
tant for the coming fights, however, will
be tanks, armored vehicles, artillery,
long-range surface-to-air missiles — and
antiship missiles to counter Russia’s
navy in the Black Sea. Nor should NATO
rule out aircraft, both fixed-wing and
attack helicopters.
Providing such equipment swiftly is
always easier said than done, in part
because Ukrainian forces are accus-
tomed to Russian-style weaponry and
would need time-consuming training to
take advantage of advanced Western-
made equipment. Still, the United States
and its allies must err on the side of speed
and creativity. An example is the Senate’s
recent unanimous approval of a lend-
lease bill modeled on the law that en-
abled swift U.S. supply for the anti-Hitler
coalition in Europe before the country
entered World War II.
Another: Slovakia’s recent declaration
that it will provide Ukraine with a Soviet-
made S-300 long-range air defense sys-
tem, with which Ukraine is already famil-
iar. The United States will replace them
for Slovakia by deploying a more mod-
ern, U.S.-made Patriot battery, including
troops to operate it. This bolsters Patriots
in Slovakia already staffed by Dutch and
German troops. Also exemplary is the
Czech Republic’s decision to send Soviet-
made tanks and infantry fighting vehi-
cles, and Britain’s offer to help with
antiship weapons. Unfortunately, Ger-
many balks at supplying 100 Marder light
tanks, ostensibly because its own mili-
tary cannot spare them.
Ukraine pleads for weapons not only
because it needs them to fight now, but
also because it is transitioning to a
prolonged war. So comes a political gut
check to its supporters: Are we with it for
the duration? In response, the United
States and its fellow democracies must
not equivocate.
A worthwhile investment
The West must supply the weapons the next phase of war demands.
C
ONGRESS PASSED the Afford-
able Care Act more than a decade
ago, but reflexive GOP opposition
to the law — with Republicans
demanding repeal or nothing — prevent-
ed lawmakers from clarifying its some-
times confusing language and mitigating
its unintended consequences. President
Biden announced Tuesday that his ad-
ministration was finally moving to patch
up one of Obamacare’s most glaring prob-
lems, potentially helping millions.
The Biden administration is proposing
a rule that would fix the so-called family
glitch, an obscure issue of wording bur-
ied deep in the law’s text that prevents a
shockingly large number of people from
getting cheaper health premiums. The
law provides people government subsi-
dies for health insurance plans, but only
if their employers do not offer them
affordable health coverage. The law
deems an employer-sponsored plan unaf-
fordable if premiums would top about
10 percent of an employee’s household
income. So, if workers would have to pay
sky-high premiums for their employer-
sponsored plan, they could always seek
coverage on the Obamacare marketplac-
es and receive assistance from govern-
ment subsidies.
The problem comes when workers try
to add spouses or children to their em-
ployer health plans. Doing so could raise
employees’ premiums substantially. But
a 2012 Internal Revenue Service interpre-
tation of the law says that does not
matter; as long as the cost of covering a
worker, and only the worker, on an em-
ployer-sponsored plan remains south of
10 percent of that worker’s household
income, the employee is ineligible for
government help.
This is not the only plausible reading of
the law’s words, and it is an absurd one in
the context of the law’s broader purposes.
Nevertheless, the Kaiser Family Founda-
tion reckons that the family glitch affects
some 5 million people. More than 4 mil-
lion of them have accepted employer-
sponsored coverage, meaning they are
paying a huge share of their incomes — an
average of about 16 percent — on premi-
ums, even though Congress designed
Obamacare to help people in their situa-
tion. Others simply go without coverage.
The Biden administration is finally
proposing to interpret the law more sen-
sibly, providing subsidies to families who
would have to pay more than 10 percent
of their incomes to cover every member
on an employer-sponsored plan. Doing so
will cost money — about $45 billion over
10 years. But that is relatively small in the
context of national health-care reform,
and for the good it will do the families it
will help. Moreover, those caught in the
family glitch skew younger and healthier
than those currently buying plans in the
Obamacare marketplaces. If they buy
subsidized plans, the stability of the mar-
ketplaces’ risk pools will improve, which
could lower premiums for all those on
Obamacare plans.
But there is only so much Mr. Biden
can do on his own. Democrats in Con-
gress are considering long-term Obama-
care fixes that would restrain market-
place premium costs and ease the still-
high burdens some families face paying
for health insurance. This should be a
priority between now and the August
recess.
Obamacare fulfilled its primary goal,
cutting substantially the proportion of
Americans lacking health-care coverage.
It is now an indispensable part of the
health-care system. Congress has a re-
sponsibility to ensure it does maximum
good.
A longtime glitch finally patched
Mr. Biden moves to fix one of Obamacare’s most glaring issues.
“I
T IS hard to find the words to
express the depth of my grati-
tude,” soon-to-be Supreme Court
Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson
declared at the White House on Friday.
Her gracious acknowledgment of her as-
cent to the nation’s highest court follows
what, in today’s light, might be called a
normal Senate confirmation. And that’s
precisely the problem: Her 53-to-47 con-
firmation vote was an unjustifiable parti-
san slap at the nation’s first Black female
Supreme Court justice — and a sign of how
off the rails judicial confirmations have
become.
Unlike in other recent confirmations,
there were no questions regarding her
character or temperament, and no pro-
cedural chicanery in the Senate. Judge
Jackson’s ascension to the high court
should have been free of controversy. Some
Republicans concocted absurd smears
about her record to justify opposing her;
others acknowledged her qualifications
but complained that she probably would
not rule the way they preferred — which is
not the standard that has traditionally
been applied to nominees.
This reflexive tendency by the opposi-
tion to deny a president a chance to fill
judicial vacancies has become a new
norm. And it is unlikely to end, absent
intentional reforms. Easiest would be ad-
justing confirmation proceedings, such as
Senate Judiciary Committee hearings.
Rather than force nominees to endure
marathon grilling sessions, senators
could consider letting them answer ques-
tions over more days. Instead of allowing
grandstanding lawmakers to attack nomi-
nees without limit or consequence, per-
haps they should be confined to asking
only questions that are relevant to the
proceedings.
For a time, a group of centrist senators
made a pact to vote as a bloc for all
reasonable nominees, regardless of which
president nominated them. Those few
senators still interested in repairing the
tattered confirmation process should res-
urrect this strategy.
A more enduring and effective change
would be imposing term limits on federal
judges, of perhaps 18 years, and spreading
out vacancies so that each president gets
to make a predictable number of appoint-
ments. This would dramatically reduce
the stakes of any single Supreme Court
pick and limit the element of chance when
vacancies arise that could tip the court’s
ideological balance.
Moreover, term limits would cut the
pressure presidents feel to pick young
ideologues for the court or to select only
judges with similar pedigrees. More peo-
ple of more varying experience would be
considered to serve. Supreme Court prec-
edent would be less likely to reflect the
idiosyncratic preferences of one or two
justices. And term limits would guard
against justices experiencing mental de-
cline on the bench.
This idea is neither new nor without
complications. Some scholars argue it
would require a constitutional amend-
ment. Safeguards would have to be crafted
to prevent judges from timing their retire-
ments to give presidents of their preferred
parties extra picks. And rules might have to
be drafted to prevent former judges from
taking big paydays at private companies
after leaving the court. But these challeng-
es do not eliminate the reform’s appeal.
What is clear is this: Things cannot contin-
ue on their current, corrosive trajectory.
The process must change
Judge Jackson’s confirmation fight proves this yet again.
ANDREW HARNIK/ASSOCIATED PRESS
Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson with Vice President Harris on the South Lawn of
the White House on Friday.
“Victory for the virus” is a fitting name
for the decision to cut global aid from
the bipartisan $10 billion covid deal
[“Lawmakers agree on $10 billion in
coronavirus funds, but drop global aid,”
Economy & Business, April 5]. Ameri-
cans are at risk as long as covid is
spreading globally.
Until we see global herd immunity,
this pandemic will continue. As of
April 3, 11.5 percent of individuals in
low-income countries were vaccinated,
compared with 65.7 percent in the Unit-
ed States. Researchers estimate that we
need at least 80 percent of the world
population to be immune before reach-
ing herd immunity.
The bill called on investment of at
least $750 million to fight future vari-
ants; the most effective way to prevent
future variants is to develop herd immu-
nity through mass vaccination.
Variants are born as the virus evolves
in the human body. The virus replicates
faster and longer in unvaccinated indi-
viduals, increasing the chances of a
variant developing.
We need to increase global vaccina-
tion rates to prevent new variants and
further coronavirus-related fatalities in
the United States. Therefore, it is in our
best interest to fund global efforts to
increase vaccination coverage. This ap-
proved funding falls far short of what is
necessary.
Elizabeth Sklar, Baltimore
Victory for the virus
Regarding the April 5 Metro article
“Legislators make quick return to Capitol
as budget impasse continues”:
Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin (R) was
right that people in Virginia are having
difficulty making ends meet amid rising
inflation and shortages. His plans to elim-
inate the grocery tax and invest in educa-
tion and mental health are much needed.
I also suggest that he persuade the
commonwealth’s legislators to suspend
the gas tax for 90 days and eliminate
Virginia’s pesky car tax.
Pradeep Ganguly, Herndon
Virginia’s pesky tax
A welcome addition to the widespread
problem of treating addiction is the
concept of using a paid incentive to
encourage abstention from drug use as
revealed in Emefa Addo Agawu’s April 3
Opinions Essay, “She was paid to stay off
drugs. Here’s why this approach could
help many others.” The primary tool in
that prevention program is frequent
drug testing to verify the addict’s cessa-
tion of drug use.
This new strategy called “contingency
management” is similar to several other
successful drug prevention programs
that use drug testing to confirm qualifi-
cation for receiving valued incentives,
such as continued employment or con-
tinued participation in a favored activity,
such as school sports. It’s also used in
drug courts to qualify for official ex-
pungement of a permanent record of
drug-related illegal activities. Although
often opposed under the influence of
lucrative addictive-substance industries,
drug testing has been approved by the
courts and widely used for decades. The
technology has improved to where a
simple inexpensive single oral swab drug
test can detect up to a dozen different
drugs, from tobacco to opioids including
fentanyl, within about 10 minutes.
Thus, the direct cash payment incen-
tive revealed in this valuable article is a
welcome addition to the nation’s drug
prevention arsenal to help reverse the
current tragic soaring rates of drug ad-
diction, incapacitation and overdose
deaths that are a blight on society today.
As the essay stated, “With so many people
in the United States battling addiction,
why is a tested, effective treatment still
barely used?”
DeForest Rathbone, L eonardtown, Md.
The writer is a
d rug-use prevention activist.
Helping people stay drug-free
helping one another. Leading a reduction
in climate change can also be leading a
renewal of our core values as a people. Not
having the most and best stuff does not
have to be painful if you can substitute
being with the most and best family,
friends and neighbors. By leading, we can
have a better life while avoiding a climate
catastrophe.
Patrick McGregor, Millersville
The April 6 editorial about the recent
U.N. climate report, “We can still avoid a
climate catastrophe,” provided some
thin hope. Thin only because govern-
ments, businesses and other sectors have
yet to take seriously the looming climate
catastrophe.
The faith community should be among
the leaders. Consider just the Catholic
Church. Globally, all the land holdings of
this one religious group approximately
equal the size of France. If just half of
some 80,000 U.S. Catholic-owned build-
ings (parishes, schools, retreat centers,
religious headquarters, universities, hos-
pitals, etc.) put an average of 200 kilowatts
of solar on their properties, 8 gigawatts of
clean energy could be generated and the
savings from reduced energy costs could
be put toward the mission of feeding the
hungry, housing the homeless, counseling
the lost and accompanying troubled
souls. (Eight gigawatts is the equivalent of
powering 1 million U.S. homes annually.)
One example is a 2-megawatt ground-
based system benefiting the Archdiocese
of Washington’s Catholic Charities. The
site is home to Mother Teresa’s sisters,
who are providing long-term care to poor
individuals in Northeast D.C. The energy
produced is saving hundreds of thou-
sands of dollars annually, money that is
used to benefit the ministries provided by
the Catholic Church in D.C. And it is a
wonderful witness to young Catholics
wanting to see their church do more to
protect their future.
Dan Misleh, Washington
The writer is founder
o f Catholic Climate Covenant.
It is time for the United States to lead
again. We all see climate change (rapidly
rising destructions and costs from more
frequent and severe weather events). We
all know the causes (greenhouse gases
from fossil fuels). And we all know how to
slow it down (transition to renewable
energy). Now we must lead. Now we must
pass what climate legislation we can and
work to pass more as soon as we can
thereafter.
Yes, leading will mean higher costs for
energy and, in turn, higher costs for most
everything. Just not as high a cost as doing
nothing. Leading will require changes to
our lifestyles, but these changes will not
cause higher costs for family time, know-
ing your neighbor, sharing experiences,
Step up on climate issues
Regarding the April 3 Metro article
“Bowser eyes bike and bus expansion,
safer roads in transportation budget”:
It is obvious D.C. has a problem with
road safety. But despite all the cameras
currently used to “enforce” traffic rules
for several years now, the problem
grows. The automated traffic enforce-
ment system seems to be more about
enriching the city coffers than having an
impact on road safety.
Rather than adding 170 new camer-
as, maybe D.C. should find out how
other cities manage traffic safety (and
carjackings).
Panos Varangis, Bethesda
D.C.'s traffic problems