10 Leaders The Economist April 9th 2022
E
vidence of russianwarcrimeslittersUkraine,buthowever
much Ukrainians and some Russians wish differently, no
one—least of all Vladimir Putin, Russia’s president—is likely to
spend a single day in prison for them. Nonetheless, it is impor
tant that the atrocities are investigated. This is partly to com
memorate those who were tortured, raped and murdered. It is al
so to expose the Kremlin’s lies to a world too inclined to let them
pass. And public indictments of Russian troops would serve as a
warning that may help deter the next round of killing.
Ukraine’s prosecutorgeneral said on April 3rd that 410 civil
ians had been killed around Kyiv. Many more bodies will be
found. The Economist saw the corpse of the mayor of Motyzhyn, a
suburb, blindfolded and shot, apparently by Russian forces,
along with her family (see Europe section). We
heard details of the murder of Ukrainian men in
Bucha, ordered by a Russian commander. Hu
man Rights Watch, a charity, reports that Rus
sian soldiers threw a smoke grenade into a
basement in Vorzel, near Irpin, then shot a
woman and her child as they emerged.
Evidence like this has rightly caused a
worldwide outcry. Ukraine’s president and Po
land’s prime minister have accused Russia of genocide. Joe Bi
den, America’s president, has called the enormities in Bucha a
war crime. And the unsecretary general asked for an investiga
tion into the killings, alongside the several already under way.
Investigators are likely to find that Russian forces should be
indicted, even if they have not killed on such a systematic scale
as to have committed genocide. The Geneva Conventions, which
Russia has signed, outlaw war crimes, including wilful killing,
causing great suffering and targeting civilians. The murders in
Bucha would count. So would the bombing of the Mariupol the
atre on which the Russian word for children was written large
enough for targeters to see from the sky. Russia’s invasion was it
self a crime of aggression, as defined by the International Crimi
nalCourt(icc), whichtriesindividualsforactions under inter
national law. And Russia’s vast and indiscriminate shelling of
Ukrainian cities is a crime against humanity, defined by the icc
as participation in and knowledge of “a widespread or systemat
ic attack directed against any civilian population”.
Unfortunately, indictments are unlikely to bring Russian war
criminals to justice. Having been thrown out of the Council of
Europe on March 16th after the invasion, Russia has started ig
noring the European Court of Human Rights. Neither since
has it recognised the icc. That does not stop the iccbringing a
case or issuing arrest warrants against Russians, but enforce
ment needs the unSecurity Council (unsc) to refer Russia to the
court—and, as a permanent member of the council, Russia
could veto any such move. Russia does recog
nise the International Court of Justice, which
hears disputes between governments, but that
court also enforces its rulings in the unsc.
One response is to send Ukraine more arms
and impose more sanctions on Russia. America
will ban new investment there. The European
Union has proposed blocking its ships and lor
ries and banning imports of coal. The eushould
do more, and limit purchases of oil and gas, too.
The other response is for the courts to press on with their in
vestigations. Russian forces have a duty to protect Ukrainians,
but they are treating them as if they are tools of war. Because the
West, like Ukraine, rejects the Russian view that people are a
means to an end, it should back the courts’ efforts to show that
every life matters. The legal process will also shed light on Rus
sia’s lies, to the shame of Mr Putin’s international backers. Even
now the Kremlin has said the atrocities were faked, then used
the un to blame the Ukrainians and accuse them of being Nazis.
And should those who wish Mr Putin’s regime to fall be satisfied,
indictments may help ensure that war criminals losepower
with him. Who knows, they may even end up in a jail cell.n
Investigate and charge Russian war criminals, even if they are never brought to justice
To indict is right
War crimes
J
ust a yearago the world’s economists were celebrating a rap
id rebound from recession. Now they are worrying that the
next downturn could be looming. In America the Federal Re
serve is preparing to do battle with high inflation by raising in
terest rates sharply and shrinking its balancesheet. In Europe
expensive energy is sapping consumers of spending power and
making factories costlier to run. And in China an outbreak of the
Omicron variant of the coronavirus has led the authorities to im
pose the strictest lockdowns since the start of the pandemic.
It is a gloomy combination for global growth, and the outlook
is darkening. Several economies could even suffer recessions,
though at different times depending on the obstacles they face.
The economy in the United States is overheating. The annual
rate of consumerprice inflation is 7.9% and hourly wages are
5.6% higher than they were a year ago. America has nearly twice
as many job openings as it does unemployed workers—the high
est ratio in 70 years. For much of 2021 central bankers hoped that
Americans who left the labour force after the pandemic struck
would return, helping cool the labour market. In the past six
months their prayers have been answered: more than half the
missing workers of prime working age have returned (see Fi
nance & economics section). Yet wage growth has risen anyway,
A toxic mix of risks hangs over the world economy
Recession roulette
The world economy