The Economist April 9th 2022 Leaders 11
perhaps because workers are negotiating hard asrisingprices
erode living standards.
The Fed needs both wage and price growth to coolif it istohit
its 2% inflation target. It is expected to raise shortterminterest
rates, which started the year below 0.25%, to over2.5%byDe
cember, and to continue to raise rates above 3%in2023.This
week the central bank trailed a plan to shrink its$8.5trnbond
holdings, starting in May, at a much faster pace thanduringthe
last period of “quantitative tightening”.
Hitting the monetary brakes, though necessary,endangers
growth. History suggests that the Fed finds it difficulttocoolthe
jobs market without eventually tipping the
economy into recession. It has pulled off a “soft
landing” only three times since 1945. And it has
never done so while battling high inflation.
Bond investors are betting that in two years’
time the Fed will have to cut rates again as the
economy weakens. Given the record, a reces
sion in the next two years looks likely.
Europe has an inflation problem, too, but it
is so far caused by expensive imported energy and food more
than by overheating. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and Western
sanctions threaten the continent’s energy supply. Gas prices for
next winter are five times higher than in America, and spending
on household energy is almost twice as high as a share of gdp
(partly because Europe is poorer). As energy prices have surged,
consumer confidence has slumped. Firms are struggling, too:
French industrial production fell in February.
The euro area’s economy will probably still grow in 2022 as a
whole. But it looks fragile. Should Europe stop importing Rus
sian gas—whether because it chooses to or the Kremlin decides
tocutoffthesupply—thedangerofa recessionwillrise.
ThethreattoglobalgrowthfromChina’sOmicronoutbreakis
themostsevereandimmediate.Chinareportedover20,
newcasesofthevirusonApril6th(seeChinasection).Because
thegovernmentiscommittedtoeliminatingcovid19,Shang
hai’s26mresidents,andthoseofotherbigcitieswithoutbreaks,
areunderlockdown.If thepastrelationshipbetweenlockdowns
andgdpholds,China’srealtimeoutputwillbe7.1%lowerthan
ina worldwithnorestrictions,accordingtoGoldmanSachs.
Lockdownswillalsodisruptglobaltrade,whichisstillstrug
glingwitha hangoverfromearlierinthepandemic.Shanghaiis
thelatestglobalporttoseehundredsofships
backupoffshore,waitingtoloadorunload.
XiJinping,China’spresident,hasurgedoffi
cialstocutthecostsofitsrestrictions.Butifit
opensuptoosoon,mainlandChinawillseea
waveofinfectionanddeathslikethatwhichre
centlyplaguedHongKong.Thatwouldscare
consumersandbecomea sourceofeconomic
disruption in its own right. Until China vacci
nates its elderly in sufficient numbers using the most effective
jabs, lockdowns will be an enduring feature of its economy and a
source of global volatility.
The blame for the world economy’s many troubles lies
squarely with policymakers. The Fed’s job is supposed to be to
take away the punchbowl just as the party gets going; it has in
stead presided over a blowout. Europe’s governments let the
continent become dependent on Russian natural gas. And Chi
na’s difficulty in suppressing Omicron was predictable, and
widely predicted. Economic trouble often strikesasa bolt from
the blue. Today’s recession scare was avoidable.n
Expected federal-funds rate
US, market-implied rate, %
3
2
1
0
2022 23 2524
Jan 1st
At Apr th
H
ungary’s wayof life is under attack, if you believe the rul
ing party. A Jewish billionaire plots to flood the country
with a million Muslims. Perverts want to teach its children sex
ual deviance. The opposition are spoiling for war with Russia.
The only way to stay safe is to back Viktor Orban, the prime min
ister. On April 3rd his party, Fidesz, won roughly half the vote
and, thanks to gerrymandering, twothirds of seats in parlia
ment (see Europe section). Mr Orban called it a triumph for “our
brand of Christian democratic, conservative, patriotic politics”.
It was actually a victory for the paranoid style.
The threats the regime describes are largely imaginary. Hun
garians are free to follow their traditions if they choose. George
Soros has no power over their borders. There is no global con
spiracy to corrupt Hungarian children. And the fact that the op
position do not share Mr Orban’s admiration for Vladimir Putin
does not mean they are warmongers. No matter. Since Mr Orban
took office in 2010 he has won control of nearly every significant
media outlet. The opposition leader, Peter MarkiZay, had only
five minutes on public television during the campaign—barely
enough to introduce himself, let alone dam a river of lies.
Mr Orban’s victory entrenches a corrupt and semiauthoritar
ian regime in the heart of the European Union, the world’s pre
mier club of liberal democracies. Every year he is in office, he
erodes more democratic checks and balances. Most of the oppo
sition united against him during this election, worrying that if
they did not stop him now, it would be too late. They failed.
Hungary has shown once again how well fearmongering
works. Voters are never more attentive than when hearing about
threats, even phoney ones. Because of social media, unscrupu
lous politicians can easily spread vivid, viral footage that ap
pears to support their scare stories. If such types win power, they
are likely to abuse it. Even in a liberal democracy, as Hungary
once was, a determined wouldbe strongman can chip away at
independent institutions, such as the media or the courts, until
his voice drowns out every other.
Mr Putin’s regime is very different from Mr Orban’s, which
does not kill people. Yet their styles overlap. The Kremlin also
lies to scare voters into seeking the big man’s protection. Its
mouthpieces tell Russians that they are about to be attacked by
the West, which has been developing bioweapons in Ukraine, a
country run by Nazis. None of this is true, but viewers of Russian
tvhear little else. Many therefore rally around their president.
Many believe the fresh lies with which their ruler reinforces his
old ones, for example that the photos of Ukrainian civilians tied
Scaremongering works. Fans of the truth should fear it
Imaginary hobgoblins
The politics of paranoia