1.4 Pathways for Development 15c. pragmatic marker : Hwæt , þæt wundra sum monnum þuhte, þæt he ma wolde
afrum onfengum earme gæstas hrinan leton (GuthA,B 517)
‘What [“you know”], that seemed a kind of wonder to men that he would
again let those miserable spirits seize him’
We will see that a direct linear sequence from interrogative to complementizer
to pragmatic marker, i.e., from propositional to textual to interpersonal com-
ponent, cannot be established – it is equally possible that the pragmatic marker
develops from the interrogative as from the complementizer – but it is signifi -
cant that the pragmatic marker represents the ultimate stage of development.
Chapter 4 traces the development of only from an adverb (a free adverb and
then a focusing adverb) to a conjunction (an ‘adversative’ conjunction similar
to but ) to a pragmatic marker (having an ‘exceptive’ sense).
Traugott ( 1995a ) proposes a syntactic pathway without the intermediate
conjunctive stage, namely, from clause- internal adverb to sentential adverb to
pragmatic marker. The steps in this development are associated with changes
in the position of the item (often initial position) and increasing scope:
The hypothesis is that an adverbial, say a manner adverb, will be dislocated from its
typical clause internal position within the predicate, where it has syntactic narrow scope
and pragmatically evaluates the predicated event, to whatever position is the site for
wide- scope sentential adverbs. As a [sentential adverb] it pragmatically and seman-
tically evaluates the content of the proposition ... [and] may acquire new pragmatic
functions and polysemies that give it the potential to become a [pragmatic marker].
Over time these functions may be semanticized either in this position or in a further
dislocated position resulting in the new [pragmatic- marker] function. ... The form in
this new function serves pragmatically to evaluate the relation of the up- coming text to
that which precedes, and does not evaluate the proposition itself. (Traugott 1995a : 13)
Traugott ( 1995a ) shows that indeed , in fact , and besides follow this course
of development. Her later work has included actually , after all , anyway (see
Brinton 2006 : 57). For example, in fact progresses from an adverbial phrase
with narrow- scope meaning ‘in practice/ reality/ actuality’ (5a) to an epistemic
adversative with wide- scope meaning ‘in reality’ (5b), which might assume
initial position, to a pragmatic marker expressing “the speaker’s attitude to
the appropriateness of the discourse itself” (5c) (examples from Traugott and
Dasher 2002 : 166– 168):
(5) a. clause- internal adverb : But it is evident in fact and experience that there is
no such universal Judge, appointed by God over the while World, to decide
all Cases of temporal Rights (1671 Tillotson, p. 445)
b. sentential adverb : In whatever light you may consider it, this is in fact a solid
benefi t (1732 Berkeley, ii. sect. 24, p. 105)
c. pragmatic marker : I should not have used the expression. In fact , it does
not concern you – it concerns only myself (1816 Austen, Emma , vol. III,
chapter 10, p. 393)