The Washington Post - USA (2022-04-25)

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MONDAY, APRIL 25 , 2022. THE WASHINGTON POST EZ RE A


Politics & the Nation

BY TONY ROMM

With inflation on the rise and
coronavirus cases once again
climbing, lawmakers are set to
return to Washington this week
and confront pitched fights over
the financial and physical health
of the country.
For Democratic leaders, the list
includes a need to confirm a slate
of nominees for the Federal Re-
serve, finalize about $10 billion in
stalled pandemic aid and refash-
ion the White House signature
social spending initiative, which
has stalled for over a year.
Each of the debates promises to
train attention on the vexing state
of the economy. Unemployment is
low, yet labor needs remain high.
Wages have grown while prices
are on a steep incline. National
gauges for inflation alone reached
their highest levels in four dec-
ades last month, a spike that left
lawmakers hearing an earful from
voters in their states and districts
during the recess.
“They’re concerned about the
rising costs of living, and that’s
everything from the rising costs of
gas to groceries,” said Rep. Stepha-
nie Murphy (D-Fla.).
Much of the economic tumult
stems from a pandemic that re-
mains impossible to predict and
the evolving aftermath of the Rus-
sian invasion of Ukraine. The dy-
namic nonetheless offers fertile
ground for fresh political squab-
bles between Democrats and Re-
publicans, just over six months
before Americans head to the
polls in the 2022 midterm elec-
tions.
“My sense is this is a make or
break moment,” Sen. Chris Van
Hollen (D-Md.) said about the fate
of the Democratic spending agen-
da. “This will be the moment peo-
ple have to look at each other,
eyeball to eyeball, and make a
determination of whether we’ll
move forward.”
Setting the stage for the week,
Democrats and Republicans took
to the airwaves on Sunday, squar-
ing off on competing news shows
about the extent of inflation and
the role Washington should play
in combating it.
On CNN’s “State of the Union,”
Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.)
stressed that it “is the responsibil-
ity of Congress, of the president, to


get out there and make the chang-
es we need to make to bring down
those prices for families.”
She accused Republicans of fo-
cusing their time on trying to
“fight the culture wars,” even as
she warned Democrats about the
consequences if they fail to ad-
vance their own economic agen-
da. “If we don’t get up and deliver,”
Warren said, “then I believe that
Democrats are going to lose.”
Rep. Michael McCaul (R-Tex.),
meanwhile, said rising prices will
be a key driver for Republicans
reclaiming the House in Novem-
ber. “I predict we’re going to get
probably at least 40 seats because
this president has been so unpop-
ular when it comes to inflation”
and other issues, McCaul said on
“Fox News Sunday.”
For now, the immediate task in
the Senate involves the future
composition of the central bank.
The chamber is set to vote as soon
as this week on four nominees for
the Federal Reserve: current
Chair Jerome H. Powell, Davidson
College professor Philip Jefferson,

board governor Lael Brainard and
Michigan State University profes-
sor Lisa Cook, who would become
the first African American woman
on the board.
All four nominees are expected
to prevail, thanks to the tiebreak-
ing majority held by Democrats.
The process is likely to begin
“starting Monday night,” said Sen.
Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio), who
leads the Banking Committee,
adding that the exact timing
would depend on “how much”
Republicans try to slow down de-
bate.
Still, the votes are likely to
touch off another round of spar-
ring over the White House eco-
nomic policies and the Federal
Reserve commitment to raising
interest rates as a means of cur-
tailing inflation.
Sen. Joe Manchin III (D-W.Va.)
said the central bank and the
Biden administration this month
“failed to act fast enough,” as he
called for “more aggressive action
by a Federal Reserve that waited
too long to act.”

Republicans, meanwhile, are
readying their own rhetorical bar-
rage. While they support Powell
and Jefferson, and lack the power
to block Brainard and Cook, the
upcoming votes offer an opportu-
nity for them to swipe again at the
Biden administration for the pace
at which costs are rising.
“Inflation has risen steadily
since the day Biden took office,
and it’s taxing working families
the hardest,” Sen. Tim Scott
(R-S.C.) said in a tweet Friday. “It
seems like the very people Biden
administration’s policies claim to
help are paying the highest price.”
Along with the Federal Reserve,
Senate Democrats also are scram-
bling to approve a $10 billion
package that would replenish key
coronavirus aid programs. The
measure passed the House but has
remained stuck in the Senate,
where partisan warfare continues
to cut deeply into government
efforts to provide Americans ac-
cess to vaccines and treatments.
The stalemate stems from a
political broadside in an unrelat-

ed fight over immigration. Repub-
lican lawmakers sharply disagree
with recent White House plans to
lift an order that had curtailed the
ability of migrants to seek asylum
in the United States.
In response, Senate Republi-
cans sought to use the coronavirus
aid as leverage. They thwarted
swift passage of the money to try
to force Senate Democrats to hold
an uncomfortable vote on an
amendment targeting the White
House border policies. That es-
sentially scuttled hopes to ap-
prove the pandemic relief pack-
age in the short time before they
departed on their holiday recess.
Two weeks later, the fight is
messier, as Democrats increasing-
ly come to disagree with President
Biden themselves. Some of the
dissenting voices, including Sens.
Mark Kelly (Ariz.) and Raphael G.
Warnock (Ga.), also count among
the most vulnerable in the party
ahead of the election.
Meanwhile, the White House
has sounded increasingly dire
notes about the ability to respond
to the pandemic, especially as case
counts again trend upward.
Even the $10 billion compro-
mise that lawmakers failed to ap-
prove marked a significant depar-
ture from the roughly $22 billion
the administration initially
sought, a request that Shalanda
Young, director of the Office of
Management and Budget, de-
scribed at the time as a down
payment for what the government
ultimately would need.
Separately, a White House offi-
cial added in a statement that the
Biden administration “will be fo-
cused on working with lawmak-
ers” to secure adoption of the pan-
demic aid as well as an additional
tranche of funds to assist Ukraine.
Biden previewed the request with
reporters last week, noting that
the intensifying conflict had cut
deeply into the roughly $14 billion
that Congress adopted in emer-
gency support earlier this spring.
Some lawmakers have addi-
tional priorities on the agenda,
including a bipartisan effort in the
Senate to try to lower the price of
insulin, which Senate Majority
Leader Charles E. Schumer
(D-N.Y.) has pledged to bring to
the floor in the weeks ahead.
Another crop of members is
working on a measure to boost

science and technology. The
chamber is set to take its next
steps on the bill, which includes
about $50 billion to help produce
more powerful computer chips in
the United States, later this week.
“The chip shortage is enough to
tell you we need to start making
investments in the United States
to catch up,” said Sen. Maria
Cantwell (D-Wash.), one of its
chief authors.
For Democrats, the mounting
workload means they must bal-
ance matters of routine govern-
ance with their broader political
aspirations. Central to their task is
a renewed attempt to pass a
sprawling overhaul to health care,
education, climate and tax law, a
package of spending once known
as Build Back Better.
Top White House aides have
revived discussions with Man-
chin, whose prior opposition to
the size and scope of the roughly
$2 trillion plan scuttled it last
year. His demands jeopardized
hopes for Democrats to lower
drug costs, rethink the tax code,
expand health insurance, invest
anew in child care and boost other
social safety nets, all promises
that helped the party take control
of Congress in the first place.
Democrats now aim to finalize
their work on a new version of the
stalled measure by July 4. Man-
chin has called for a lower price
tag and more deficit reduction in
exchange for his critical vote.
But Sen. Tina Smith (D-Minn.),
a leading voice for the climate
provisions, said she has been in
conversations in which lawmak-
ers acknowledge they have far less
time than it appears, and they
need instead to broker a deal
around Memorial Day, which
marks the end of the upcoming
work period. “It doesn’t get easier
the longer we wait,” she said.
For now, the uncertainty has
stoked fresh speculation that
Manchin might once again upend
the political ambitions of his own
party. And it has unnerved fellow
Democrats at a time when anxiet-
ies are high that voters could pe-
nalize lawmakers if they fail to
deliver before the election.
“I think there’s more we need to
do to earn their vote in Novem-
ber,” said Rep. Katie Porter (D-Ca-
lif.), a senior member of the Con-
gressional Progressive Caucus.

Congress returns to spending fights while inflation looms


JABIN BOTSFORD/THE WASHINGTON POST
Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) called on her party to advance its economic agenda.

BY HANNAH KNOWLES

As false claims of a stolen elec-
tion took root in 2020, Arizona’s
attorney general — a Republican
— spoke out on national televi-
sion. President Donald Trump
was projected to lose the swing
state, he said on Nov. 11, and “no
facts” suggested that would
change.
This month Mark Brnovich
called into a far-right podcast
with a different message: His
investigation into the vote was
turning up “serious concerns.”
“It’s frustrating for all of us,
because I think we all know what
happened in 2020,” the attorney
general told the host, former
Trump adviser Stephen K. Ban-
non, without explaining what he
meant. The podcast titled the
segment “AZ AG On Interim Re-
port On Stealing The 2020 Elec-
tion.”
Many GOP candidates have
embraced the former president’s
false election claims while seek-
ing a coveted endorsement in
their 2022 primary races. But
Brnovich, now running for the
Senate, stands out for his shift
over the past year and a half. His
Senate campaign has highlighted
his ongoing review of the 2020
vote, launched last year in re-
sponse to a widely ridiculed audit
commissioned by state GOP law-
makers.
Critics say Brnovich has caved
to promoters of disinformation
for political gain in the Republi-
can primary. Calculated choices
to keep fanning Trump’s griev-
ances mean more misinformed
voters, more distractions for elec-
tion workers and more questions
about who will stick up for de-
mocracy in the future, said Tam-
my Patrick, a former elections
official in Arizona’s biggest battle-
ground, Maricopa County.
“If no one is held responsible
for lying ... or undermining confi-
dence based on their own greed
and, you know, desire for power
to either be elected or be reelected
— if no one is held accountable for
those actions, then we are in real
trouble right now,” said Patrick,
who now works with the nonpar-
tisan group Democracy Fund.
Brnovich’s comments on the
election are hardly the most ex-
treme among Arizona’s midterm


candidates. He has not called to
decertify results or end the state’s
long tradition of mail-in voting,
like prominent GOP contenders
for governor and secretary of
state. But coming from Arizona’s
top legal officer, Brnovich’s words
hold particular weight.
In a campaign email last week,
Brnovich said his office found
nearly a fifth of early ballots in
Maricopa County were “trans-
ported outside the chain of cus-
tody”; in fact, his report found
missing information on paper-
work but offered no evidence that
ballots left the proper hands. On
Bannon’s podcast, he claimed the
county uses artificial intelligence
to verify ballot signatures; in fact,
every signature is verified by elec-
tion staff.
“As his investigators could have
told him if he asked,” tweeted
Stephen Richer, a top elections
official for Maricopa County and
a Republican. “Unreal.” Democrat
Adrian Fontes — who held Rich-
er’s office in 2020 — said in an
interview that Brnovich was em-
blematic of the GOP and that
“political cowardice doesn’t sur-
prise me anymore.”
The attorney general’s office
referred most questions to
Brnovich’s campaign, which did
not respond to requests for com-
ment.
“From his days prosecuting
gang and public integrity cases, to
his current tenure as Attorney
General, Mark Brnovich’s record
of upholding the rule of law is
beyond reproach,” said Katie Con-
ner, a spokeswoman for the attor-
ney general’s office, in a state-
ment. “Our Office remains dedi-
cated to the integrity of the inves-
tigation, not with responding to
political or social media chatter.”
She did not respond to a ques-
tion about whether Brnovich be-
lieves Biden fairly won the elec-
tion.
Brnovich announced his cam-
paign for Senate last June, as
Arizona’s partisan audit was in
full swing. “I understand there
are a lot of people who are frus-
trated and have questioned the
results of the last election, and to
me, that speaks to the need for
confidence in the system and the
need for election integrity mea-
sures,” he told the Phoenix-area
news radio station KTAR in July.

The five-month spectacle —
which election experts called
deeply flawed — affirmed Biden’s
win in Maricopa County but also
provided new fuel for baseless
theories.
The GOP-led Arizona Senate
enlisted a Florida-based company
called Cyber Ninjas with no prior
experience auditing elections and
a chief executive who promoted
claims the 2020 vote was tainted
by fraud. The recount of more
than 2 million ballots included
UV lights and a hunt for traces of
bamboo.
When the state Senate shared
an audit report in September,
Brnovich said it raised “serious
questions” and began his own
review. This month — under
growing pressure from the right
to show results — he released an
interim report that laid out voting
“vulnerabilities” but described
only isolated cases of fraud.
Some of Trump’s most ardent
supporters were unimpressed.
“I don’t like letters,” tweeted
far-right state Sen. Wendy Rogers
(R). “I like arrests and prosecu-
tions.” Trump weighed in scath-
ingly Monday, saying the attorney
general was choosing “non-co-
ntroversy” and all but ruling him
out for an endorsement.
Soon Blake Masters, one of
Brnovich’s opponents in the GOP
Senate primary, was on “War
Room,” the same podcast where
Brnovich had promoted his elec-
tion investigation.
“I don’t think Brnovich’s heart
was in it,” said Masters, a venture
capitalist who was part of
Trump’s presidential transition
team.
He asked why county leaders
were not in handcuffs.
Many Republican primary can-
didates have leaned into false
claims about the 2020 election
while banking on the support of
the president and his loyal follow-
ers. In Georgia, Trump-endorsed
gubernatorial candidate David
Perdue has amped up his rhetoric
this year, falsely claiming that
both his Senate race and the
presidential race were “stolen.”
Around the country, officials who
helped run the 2020 election and
certify its results have drawn
challengers who repeat Trump’s
falsehoods.
Much rarer: GOP candidates

who went on the record affirming
Biden’s win but have now back-
tracked. When The Washington
Post asked every Republican
member of Congress who won the
election in late 2020, most did not
have a clear position.
Zachery Henry, a former com-
munications director for the Ari-
zona Republican Party, said
Brnovich had a strong conserva-
tive track record as attorney gen-
eral and argued he would have
been the clear front-runner to
challenge Sen. Mark Kelly (D) if
he had not come out early defend-
ing the election.
“I’m sure there are other Re-
publicans who felt similarly to
him and just were never asked
publicly,” said Lorna Romero, a
conservative political consultant.
“And then now they’ve kind of
changed their tune. ... I guarantee
you there’s plenty of Republicans
out there that saw that there was
a massive groundswell and a good
fundraising opportunity.”
Brnovich’s election report from
this month was critical of Marico-
pa County’s voting processes,
echoing Republican pushes
around the country for “election
integrity” measures that others
call unnecessary. He suggested
early-ballot signatures were pro-
cessed too quickly; said hundreds
of ballot transport forms were
missing required information;
and alleged that election depart-
ments’ use of private grant money
raised “serious concerns,” with-
out providing details. In a state-
ment, two Republican Maricopa
County leaders said there was “no
new evidence, nothing that would
have changed the results, and
nothing that should lead people
to question the overall health of
our electoral system.”
Joining the “War Room” pod-
cast on April 7, Brnovich added
another criticism: He said the
county had recently “admitted” to
using artificial intelligence to au-
thenticate signatures on early
ballots. Local election officials
had actually emphasized the op-
posite in a February response to
Brnovich’s office — “To clarify, all
signatures are verified by a hu-
man and not a computer or soft-
ware.”
“They’re now copping to, ‘It’s
artificial intelligence and not hu-
man,’ ” said the podcast host, Ban-

non. “Is that as big a deal as it
seems, sir?”
“I think it is, Steve,” Brnovich
said. “I mean, I will let people
draw their own conclusions.”
Richer, the Maricopa County
recorder, tweeted his outrage:
“Omitting material information
... is not how prosecutorial ethics
works,” he said. In an open letter
last year to fellow Republicans,
Richer had urged his party to
move on from Trump’s 2020
grievances and named Brnovich
as a GOP leader who agreed the
election was not rigged.
Asked whether Richer thought
Brnovich should face a formal
misconduct complaint, a spokes-
man, Marcus Milam, said the re-
corder had no further comment.
All lawyers are generally “re-
quired to avoid dishonesty,” but
they are most often disciplined
for their actions in court, said
Keith Swisher, a legal ethics pro-
fessor at the University of Ari-
zona.
Conner, the spokeswoman for
the attorney general’s office, de-
clined to specify what technology
Brnovich took issue with. “We
have never said that signatures
were verified exclusively by AI,”
she said.

In an email, county officials
had described a “scan” that cate-
gorizes signatures as high or low
confidence. But they said workers
are trained to “analyze all [signa-
tures] the same regardless.”
Megan Gilbertson, a spokes-
person for the Maricopa County
Elections Department, told The
Post that scanning technology is
not used for verification but helps
staff get unsigned envelopes to
managers more quickly.
Patrick, the adviser at Democ-
racy Fund, is intimately familiar
with the processes Brnovich criti-
cized. Working Maricopa County
elections for more than a decade,
she said, she did thousands of
signature reviews and audited
the safeguards in place for mov-
ing ballots.
“And sometimes people forget
to sign one portion of the form ...
because elections are conducted
by people, for people,” she said.
“And people make mistakes.”
Brnovich could have been a
“lightning rod,” she argued,
someone who took in the disin-
formation roiling the Arizona
GOP and tried to neutralize it.
Instead he veered toward con-
spiracy theories, she said. “It kind
of breaks my heart.”

After saying Trump lost, Arizona prosecutor changes message for Senate run


BOB CHRISTIE/ASSOCIATED PRESS
Arizona Attorney General Mark Brnovich (R), left, i n 20 20.
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