Wrestling with Nature From Omens to Science

(Romina) #1

112 Shank



  1. Aquinas, The Division and Methods of the Sciences, 38–39.

  2. Edith D. Sylla, “The Fate of the Oxford Calculatory Tradition,” in L’Homme et
    son univers au moyen âge, ed. Christian Wenin (Louvain- la- Neuve: Editions de l’Institut
    Supérieur de Philosophie, 1986), 992–98; Lawn, “The Diffusion of Mertonian Ideas,” in
    Rise and Decline of the Scholastic ‘Quaestio Disputata,’ 53–65.

  3. John E. Murdoch and Edith Dudley Sylla, “The Science of Motion,” in Lind-
    berg, Science in the Middle Ages, 224–41; and Marshall Clagett, The Science of Mechanics
    in the Middle Ages (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1959).

  4. Steneck, “A Late Medieval Arbor Scientiarum,” 254, and Joannes Regiomonta-
    nus, Opera collectanea, ed. Felix Schmeidler (Osnabrück: O. Zeller Verlag, 1972), 46;
    Amos Funkenstein, Theology and the Scientifi c Imagination (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
    University Press, 1986), 303–17. In the manuscript of his De Revolutionibus, Coperni-
    cus also included geodesy / surveying and mechanics in the list, omitted in print, that
    precedes book 1, chapter 1; Copernicus, De Revolutionibus orbium coelestium, trans A. M.
    Duncan (1976; Norwalk: The Easton Press, 1993), 35.

  5. John E. Murdoch, “Philosophy and the Enterprise of Science in the Later
    Middle Ages,” in The Interaction between Science and Philosophy, ed. Yehuda Elkana
    (Atlantic Highlands: Humanities Press, 1974), 51–74, esp. 58–71.

  6. Alain de Libéra, “Le développement de nouveaux instruments conceptuels et
    leur utilisation dans la philosophie de la nature au XIVe siècle,” in Knowledge and the
    Sciences in Medieval Philosophy, Proceedings of the 8th International Congress of Medi-
    eval Philosophy, ed. Simo Knuuttila et al. (Helsinki: s.n., 1990), 158–97, esp. 172.

  7. John E. Murdoch and Edith Sylla, “Swineshead, Richard,” Dictionary of Scientifi c
    Biography (New York, 1970–90), 13:209. Francis Bacon later complained that natural
    philosophy had been made subservient to mathematics and medicine (Novum organum,
    LXXX); Grant, A History of Natural Philosophy, 305–6.

  8. Edith Dudley Sylla, “The a posteriori Foundations of Natural Science: Some
    Medieval Commentaries on Aristotle’s Physics, Book I, chapters 1 and 2,” Synthèse 40
    (1979): 147–87.

  9. Eileen Serene, “Demonstrative Science,” in The Cambridge History of Later Medi-
    eval Philosophy, ed. Norman Kretzmann, Anthony Kenny, and Jan Pinborg (Cambridge:
    Cambridge University Press, 1982), 496.

  10. Kilwardby, De ortu scientiarum, 136–37.

  11. George Molland, “Roger Bacon’s De laudibus mathematicae: A preliminary
    study,” in Texts and Contexts in Ancient and Medieval Science: Studies on the Occasion of
    John E. Murdoch’s Seventieth Birthday, ed. Edith Sylla and Michael McVaugh (Leiden:
    Brill, 1997), 68–83, esp. 71; Serene, “Demonstrative Science,” 512–13; Steven P. Mar-
    rone, “Concepts of Science among Parisian Theologians in the Thirteenth Century,” in
    Knowledge and the Sciences in Medieval Philosophy, vol. 3, ed. Reijo Työrinoja, Anja Inkeri
    Lehtinen, and Dagfi nn Føllesdal (Helsinki: s.n., 1990), 124–33, esp. 130–31.

  12. Ockham defi nes it as “two singular premises arranged in the third fi gure,
    which, however, can yield a singular, a particular, or an indefi nite conclusion, but not a
    universal one.. .” William of Ockham, Summa logicae, ed. G. Gál (St. Bonaventure, NY:
    Franciscan Institute, 1974), 3: 1, 16; I. M. Bochenski, A History of Formal Logic, trans. by
    Ivo Thomas, 2nd ed. (New York: Chelsea Publications, 1970), 232–33.

  13. Serene, “Demonstrative Science,” 516 (whose translation I modifi ed slightly).


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