Steven J. Zipperstein, Elusive Prophet: Ahad Ha’am and the Origins of Zionism (Berke-
ley: University of California Press, 1993), 197.
“Religious Nationalists, Old and New,” in Arthur Hertzberg, ed., The Zionist Idea: A
Historical Analysis and Reader (New York: Atheneum, 1986), 440–465.
In its anti-intellectual overtones, this gap is analogous to the one invoked by politicians
in the United States when they refer to “coastal elites.”
Dov Schwartz, Religious-Zionism: History and Ideology (Boston: Academic Studies
Press, 2009), 60.
Ibid., 68.
Aryei Fishman, Judaism and Modernization on the Religious Kibbutz (New York: Cam-
bridge University Press, 1992); cf. Aryei Fishman, “The Religious Kibbutz Movement: The Pur-
suit of a Complete Life within an Orthodox Framework,” in Studies in Contemporary Jewry
II (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 97–115. N.B. The Hebrew avodah also means
“service,” in the sense of prayer and the ancient temple sacrifices. The religious kibbutzniks no
doubt intended this sense as well.
Yossi Katz, The Religious Kibbutz Movement in the Land of Israel, 1930–1948, trans. Jo-
seph Shadur (Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press, 1996).
Aran, “From Religious Zionism to Zionist Religion: The Roots of Gush Emunim,” in
Studies in Contemporary Jewry II, 116–143.
Aharon Lichtenstein, “Diaspora Religious Zionism: Some Current Reflections,” in Reli-
gious Zionism Post-Disengagement: Future Directions, edited by Chaim I. Waxman (New York:
Yeshiva University Press, 2008), 3–30.
The early Mizrahi favored collaboration with political Zionism because it found cul-
tural and spiritual Zionism threatening; Aran, “Religious Zionism to Zionist Religion,” 125.
A walkout of the Democratic Fraction at the Fifth Zionist Congress in 1901 took place when
Herzl followed Buber and Weizmann by giving the floor to Reines, who railed against “Jew-
ish culture” as a threat to Judaism; Ehud Luz, Parallels Meet: Religion and Nationalism in the
Early Zionist Movement (1882–1904), trans. Lenn J. Schramm (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication
Society, 1988), 235–238.
Aran, “Religious Zionism to Zionist Religion,” 120.
PF 24.
Schwartz, Religious-Zionism, 52.
Following the usage of the period, I refer to the Arabs of Palestine as “Palestinian Ar-
abs” up through the British Mandate, since Jews born in Palestine then also referred to them-
selves as “Palestinians” and were so called by others, whereas Arabs rarely called themselves
“Palestinians” with no additional specifications. After 1948, “Palestinian” refers to the Arab
populations of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, the refugee camps, and the Palestinian diaspora,
and to those Arabs with Israeli citizenship who identify as Palestinian.
Schwartz, Religious-Zionism, 59.
Susan Lee Hattis, The Bi-National Idea in Palestine during Mandatory Times (Haifa:
Shikmona, 1974), 38.
Shalom Ratzabi, Between Zionism and Judaism: The Radical Circle in Brith Shalom, 1925–
1933 (Leiden: Brill, 2002); Aharon Kedar, “Brith Shalom,” Jerusalem Quarterly 18 (Winter 1981):
55–85. Cf. Hagit Lavsky, Before Catastrophe: The Distinctive Path of German Zionism (Detroit:
Wayne State University Press, 1996), 162–180; Kedar, “German Zionism and the Emergence of
‘Brit Shalom,’ In Essential Papers on Zionism, ed. Jehuda Reinharz and Anita Shapira (New York:
New York University Press, 1996), 648–670; Adi Gordon, Brit Shalom and Bi-National Zionism:
The “Arab Question” as a Jewish Question (Jerusalem: Carmel, 2008) [Hebrew]; Dietmar Wiech-
mann, Der Traum vom Frieden: das bi-nationale Konzept des Brith-Schalom zur Lösung des jü-
disch-arabische Konfliktes in der Zeit von 1925–1933 (Schwalbach: Wochenschau-Verlag, 1998).
