Martin Buber's Theopolitics

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246 | Martin Buber’s Theopolitics



  1. “Brith Shalom,” LTP 74.

  2. For early Arab complaints about immigration and land sales, see Muhammad Y. Mus-
    lih, The Origins of Palestinian Nationalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), 79.
    The British cited these two concerns as primary in the Shaw Commission Report, the Hope-
    Simpson Commission Report, and the Passfield White Paper; Philip Mattar, The Mufti of Je-
    rusalem: Al-Hajj Amin al-Husayni and the Palestinian National Movement (New York: Co-
    lumbia University Press, 1988), 53. The concern for economic segregation was noticed more
    in retrospect than at the time, but the newspaper Mirat al-Sharq wrote in 1934 that “the real
    struggle which now exists in the country is between Arab and Jewish labor,” and with the
    1936 Arab Revolt, the Arabs enforced retaliatory economic segregation; Yehoshua Porath, The
    Palestinian-Arab National Movement, 1929–1939: From Riots to Rebellion (London: Frank Cass,
    1977), 130; Baruch Kimmerling and Joel Migdal, The Palestinian People: A History (Cambridge,
    MA: Harvard University Press, 2003), 62, 140.

  3. Rashid Khalidi, Palestinian Identity: The Construction of Modern National Conscious-
    ness (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), 103. The Ottoman Land Law of 1858, part
    of the Tanzimat (a broader attempt by the Ottoman authorities to Westernize and become
    competitive with Europe), replaced traditional communal usufruct with tapu (t it le deeds);
    Kimmerling and Migdal, The Palestinian People, 16. Ta p u changed little for fellahin in the
    short term; however, peasants largely failed to register land in their own names, out of fear
    of conscription by the state, opening the door for the rising ayan class of urban notables to
    purchase huge tracts of land; Khalidi, Palestinian Identity, 37; Muslih, Origins of Palestinian
    Nationalism, 22.

  4. Kimmerling and Migdal, The Palestinian People, 23.

  5. Morris, Righteous Victims, 54.

  6. Neville J. Mandel, The Arabs and Zionism Before World War I (Berkeley: University of
    California Press, 1976), 36.

  7. As Menachem Ussishkin, head of the Jewish National Fund from 1923 to 1941, is re-
    ported to have said, “Once we have acquired a place, we will never leave.” The “we” here indi-
    cates the attitude of the JNF, that it was purchasing land as a national body for the exclusive
    national use of Jews. This, combined with increasing strategic coordination with regard to ex-
    actly where purchases were made, gave land purchases a political significance that they lacked
    during the early years of Zionism. Cited in Baruch Kimmerling, Zionism and Territory: The
    Socio-Territorial Dimensions of Zionist Politics (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies,
    1983), 85, 41.

  8. Khalidi, Palestinian Identity, 103.

  9. Yehuda Epstein, “A Hidden Question (1907),” trans. Alan Dowty, in Prophets Outcast:
    A Century of Dissident Jewish Writing about Zionism and Israel, ed. Adam Shatz (New York:
    Nation Books, 2004), 36–52.

  10. Cited in Morris, Righteous Victims, 58.

  11. Cited in LTP 8.

  12. Akiva Ernst Simon, “The Arab Question as a Jewish Question,” in Unease in Zion, 297.

  13. Ruppin to Hans Kohn, May 30, 1928, in Kedar, “Brith Shalom,” 70. For Ruppin on dam-
    ages paid to evicted fellahin, see Kimmerling, Zionism and Territory, 115.

  14. Gershon Shafir, Land, Labor and the Origins of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 1882–1914
    (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 41–42.

  15. Leslie Stein, The Hope Fulfilled: The Rise of Modern Israel (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003),



  16. Gershon Shafir, “Zionism and Colonialism: A Comparative Approach,” in The Israel/
    Palestine Question: Rewriting Histories, ed. Ilan Pappe (New York: Routledge, 1999), 88.

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