Wille preceded Landauer to a synthesis of Nietzsche with socialism; Aschheim, Ni-
etzsche Legacy, 170.
PC 39; Pierre Broué, The German Revolution: 1917–1923, trans. John Archer (Chicago:
Haymarket Books, 2006), 15–16.
Broué, German Revolution, 17; PC 53–54; Gabriel Kuhn and Siegbert Wolf, introduction
to Gustav Landauer, Revolution and Other Writings: A Political Reader, ed. and trans. Gabriel
Kuhn (Oakland, CA: PM Press, 2010), 20.
Landauer, “Twenty-Five Years Later: On the Jubilee of Wilhelm II,” in Revolution and
Other Writings, 62–67. Landauer flirted with Marxism in the fall of 1891 but may have “failed
to emphasize certain central tenets of Marxian thinking” in his Nietzschean stress on volun-
tarism and activism. PC 43.
Kuhn and Wolf, introduction to Revolution and Other Writings, 21.
“Unser Zweck,” Der Sozialist, November 15, 1891; Lunn, 56. The SPD returned the
venom, calling the Jungen “decadent youth, exploiters of rot, and rummagers in ruins”; As-
chheim, Nietzsche Legacy, 19.
Friedländer argued that the SPD was a microcosm of an authoritarian state that fore-
told what would occur after a Marxist victory. I have not seen any indication that Landauer or
Friedländer, both Jews, were aware of Dühring’s virulent antisemitism. John Henry Mackay,
the Scottish-born “individualist anarchist” and popularizer of Stirner’s work, also lived in
Friedrichshagen at that time; PC 66–71.
Landauer, “Anarchism-Socialism,” in Revolution and Other Writings, 70. In general, it
was common for anarchists at this time to insist on “anarchism” and “socialism” as synonyms,
against both nonsocialist anarchists like Stirner and nonanarchist socialists like the SPD.
PC 64.
Scholars disagree about the latter elements of Landauer’s thought. See PC 142–148;
GLPU 115n111; Kuhn and Wolf, introduction to Revolution and Other Writings, 19; Breines,
“A Völkisch Left?”; Bernard Susser, “Ideological Multivalence: Martin Buber and the German
Volkish Tradition,” Political Theory 5.1 (February 1977): 75–96.
3 7. P C 96–100. Later success of Weise’s Berlin cooperative is uncertain.
PC 77.
Bakunin was “the first, as it were, to infer Leninism from Marxism.” Leszek Kolakows-
ki, Main Currents of Marxism, trans. P. S. Falla (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 2005), 210.
Bakunin’s critique of Marx was echoed by Landauer’s opposition to SPD leader August Bebel;
PC 84–85.
Kuhn and Wolf, introduction to Revolution and Other Writings, 24. Whenever anar-
chists were excluded, they responded by organizing their own conference. There Landauer
gave the 1896 report on Germany he had planned to give to the Socialist International. Lan-
dauer, “Social Democracy in Germany,” in Anarchism in Germany and Other Essays, trans.
Stephen Bender and Gabriel Kuhn (San Francisco: Barbary Coast Publishing Collective, 2005),
36–42.
PC 87, 94.
Landauer, “A Few Words on Anarchism,” in Revolution and Other Writings, 80.
Landauer, “Anarchism in Germany,” in Anarchism in Germany and Other Essays, 14–20.
Landauer, “Anarchic Thoughts on Anarchism,” in Revolution and Other Writings, 85.
The German reads “Die Anarchisten sind mir nicht anarchisch genug.” To translate this as
“The anarchists are not anarchic enough for me” would imply a distancing from anarchism
as a whole, negating the article’s distinction between the anarchism of political violence and
Landauer’s own anarchism. Correspondence with the translator, Gabriel Kuhn, indicated that
he had precisely this concern in mind when he chose “these” to render Die.
