Sociology Now, Census Update

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innocent of the more graphic aspects of life, like sex and
death, and they needed love, nurturing, and constant care
and attention. The number of children per family declined,
both because they would no longer be providing economic
support for the family and because each child now required
a greater investment of time and emotional energy.
In modern societies, children don’t often work along-
side their parents, and the family has become a unit of con-
sumption rather than production; its economic security is
tied to the workplace and the national economy. Instead,
the major functions of the family are to provide lifelong
psychological support and emotional security. The family
has been so closely associated with love and belonging that
friends and even groups of co-workers express their emo-
tional intimacy by saying they are “a family.”

Family and Ethnicity


The contemporary American nuclear family—the breadwinning husband, his home-
maker wife, and their 2.2 children, who live in a detached single-family house in a
suburb we call Anytown, USA—developed historically. But even today, it is only one
of several family forms. Families vary not only from culture to culture but also within
our society—by race and ethnicity. As each racial and ethnic group has a different
history, their family units developed in different ways, in response to different con-
ditions. For example, how can we understand the modern African American family
outside the deliberate policies of slavery whereby families were broken up, and hus-
bands, wives, and children deliberately sold to different slave owners, so as to dilute
the power of family as a tie of loyalty to something other than the master?
Sociologists are interested in the diversity of family forms by race and ethnicity.
Some of these differences are now so well documented that to enumerate them sounds
almost like a stereotype. And, to be sure, each ethnic group exhibits wide variation
in their families (not all Catholic families have nine kids, but most American fami-
lies with nine kids are Catholic). Sociologists are also interested in the process by which
one family form became the standard against which all other family forms were meas-
ured—and found wanting. In addition, although these family adaptations are seen
largely among ethnic minorities, they are also seen among the White working class,
which suggests that they are less “ethnic” adaptations to a White family norm and
more “class” adaptations to a middle- and upper-class family norm. As each ethnic
group develops a stable middle class, their families come to resemble the companion-
ate-marriage nuclear family of the White middle class. It may be the case not that the
nuclear family is inevitable, but that it is expensive—and that without significant
governmental support, it does not flourish.

The European American Family


This family form that became the dominant model was itself the product of a vari-
ety of social factors that are unlikely to return. Based initially on the Anglo-Irish
family of the seventeenth century, the European American family has also taken on
characteristics from each of the large immigrant groups, especially those that arrived
in the late nineteenth century. Many of these immigrant families were Catholic and

388 CHAPTER 12THE FAMILY

JThe nuclear family, with its
strict division of household
labor, is a relatively recent
historical invention—and does
not apply to all cultures, even
in the United States. In the
Chicano family, everyone
cooks, so everyone eats.

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