“personality”? And the second question was really about why there had been such dra-
matic political upheavals in Europe (Nazism, Fascism, Communism) and why, despite
the terrible ravages of the great Depression and the instability of the world war, the
United States remained relatively stable and orderly.Symbolic Interactionism and the Sociology of the Self
The creation of a stable social “self” rested on interest in microlevel interactions, inter-
actions among individuals, and sociologists who called themselves “symbolic inter-
actionists.”Symbolic interactionismexamines how an individual’s interactions with
his or her environment—other people, institutions, ideas—help people develop a sense
of “self.” The “symbolic” part was the way we use symbol systems—like language,
religion, art, or body language and decoration—to navigate the social world. Sym-
bolic interactionists follow in the sociological tradition of George Herbert Mead.
Erving Goffman, an influential symbolic interactionist, used what he called a dra-
maturgicalmodel to understand social interaction. Like an actor preparing to perform
a part in a play, a socialactor practices his or her part “backstage,” accumulating props
and testing out different ways to deliver one’s lines. The actual “frontstage” perfor-
mance, in front of the intended audience, helps us refine our presentation of self: If the
people we want to like us do, in fact, like us, we realize that our performance is suc-
cessful, and we will continue it. But if they reject us, or don’t like us, we might try a
different strategy, rehearse that “backstage,” and then try again. If that fails, our iden-
tity might get “spoiled,” and we would have to either change the venue of our perfor-
mance, alter our part significantly, or accept society’s critical reviews.
In one of Goffman’s most important works, he looked at what happens to indi-
viduals’ identities when all their props are removed and they are forced to conform
to an absolutely rigid regime. In total institutionssuch as prisons, mental hospitals,
and concentration camps, Goffman discerned that individuals are routinely stripped
of anything that identifies them as individuals. And yet, still, they try to assert some-
thing that is theirs alone, something that enables them to hold on to their individual
senses of themselves.
In his conclusion to his book Asylums(1961), Goffman describes this dynamic.
He writes that... without something to belong to, we have no stable self, and yet total commitment and
attachment to any social unit implies a kind of selflessness. Our sense of being a person can
come from being drawn into a wider social unit; our sense of selfhood can arise through the
little ways in which we resist the pull. Our status is backed by the solid buildings of the world,
while our sense of personal identity often resides in the cracks. (Goffman, 1961, p. 320)
Structural Functionalism and Social Order
At the larger, structural, or “macro” level, sociologists were preoccupied with polit-
ical and social stability and order. Following the great Harvard sociologist, Talcott
Parsons (1902–1979), sociologists explored what they called structural functionalism,
a theory that social life consisted of several distinct integrated levels that enable the
world—and individuals who are within it—to find stability, order, and meaning. Func-
tionalism offers a paradigm,a coherent model of how society works and how indi-
viduals are socialized into their roles within it (Parsons, 1937, 1951).
While Talcott Parsons was, perhaps, the central figure of structural-functionalist
analysis, his work today is sometimes characterized as anachronistic, naïve, and
written in a style so dense that it defies comprehension. This is unfortunate, because24 CHAPTER 1WHAT IS SOCIOLOGY?